Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as these factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community. My study examines the life of Fulani Sunni Ali, her role in black liberation, her role as the Minister of Information for the Provisional Government for the Republic of New Africa, and her communication strategies. In doing so, I evaluate a black female revolutionary nationalist’s discursive negotiation of her identity during the Black Power and Black Nationalist Movement. I also use womanist criticism to analyze interviews with Sunni Ali and archival data in her possession to reveal the complexity and diversity of black women’s roles and activities in a history of black resistance struggle and to locate black female presence and agency in Black Power. The following study more generally analyzes black female revolutionary nationalists’ roles, activities, and discursive identity negotiation during the Black Power Movement. By examining Sunni Ali’s life and the way she struggled against racism and patriarchy to advocate for Black Power and Black Nationalism, I demonstrate how her activism was a continuation of a tradition of black women’s resistance, and I extrapolate her forms of black women’s activism extant in the movement.

Face aux conditions d’élevage devenues défavorables, l’État perçoit dans la création des zones pastorales une opportunité d’insuffler une dynamique nouvelle à l’élevage par l’amélioration des techniques de production. C’est dans ce cadre que fut créée la zone pastorale de la Nouhao et y ont été installés, officiellement, des éleveurs peuls. Cette installation fut précédée de plusieurs réalisations dans le but d’assurer de manière durable, une disponibilité satisfaisante et en toute période de l’année, des ressources alimentaires, hydriques, ainsi qu’un encadrement sanitaire pour les animaux de ladite zone. Malgré les différentes réalisations qui ont apporté du mieux-être pour les éleveurs, ils ont conservé leur système traditionnel d’exploitation des ressources pastorales. L’étude vise à identifier les motivations des acteurs dans la persistance de la pratique de la mobilité en dehors de la zone pastorale. L’enquête conduite auprès des acteurs de différents domaines d’activités ont permis d’apporter des réponses à une question spécifique de la mobilité qu’est la transhumance des éleveurs et des bouviers peuls de la zone pastorale de la Nouhao. / In the face of unfavorable rearing conditions, the State sees in the creation of pastoral areas an opportunity to inject a new dynamic into livestock farming by improving production techniques. It is in this context that the pastoral zone of Nouhao was created and there were officially installed Fulani breeders. This installation was preceded by several achievements in order to ensure in a sustainable way, a satisfactory availability and at any time of the year, food resources, water, as well as a sanitary supervision for the animals of the said zone. Despite the many achievements that have brought benefits to pastoralists, they have retained their traditional system of pastoral resource exploitation.The study aims to identify the motivations of the actors in the persistence of the practice of mobility outside the pastoral zone. The survey carried out among stakeholders in different fields of activity has made it possible to provide answers to a specific question of mobility that is the transhumance of pastoralists and Fulani herdsmen in the pastoral zone of Nouhao.

Severe intercommunal violence has repeatedly rocked Plateau State in the first decade of the new millennium, killing thousands of people. Observers have attributed the "crisis" to political, economic and social forces which breed pockets of exclusion and resentment. One notable model explains the violence through a paradigm of privileged "indigenes" who seek to prevent "settlers" from the political rights which would give them the access to the resources managed by the state and the economic opportunities that this entails. While not taking issue with the diagnosed causes of conflict, the Researcher argues that there is a substantial body of evidence being ignored which points to conflict cleavage having opened up along the divide of Christian-Muslim religious identity in a way that the settler-identity model does not sufficiently explain. On the basis that perceptions are as important as facts when it comes to seeking a transformational peace process, he sets out to map world-views, identities and ethics of the warring factions. The researcher, motivated to undertake this research by his direct experience of the 2008 crises and three years experience as an adviser to the EYN's rural development outreach in Adamawa and Borno States, posits that religion may indeed be part of the problem, and mosque and church must be partners to a solution. Forced to limit the scope of his research, he embarks on the initial stages of a practical theological investigation in order to review the conflict from a specifically religious perspective which might assist the Church in its efforts towards peace. Research is focussed on the perceptions of the pew faithful of two denominations in Plateau and Adamawa States and is based on an evaluation of interviews and focus groups which were held across a range of cohorts and settings in order to draw comparative conclusions. Respondents' backgrounds were both rural/urban, young/old, Muslim/Christian, and hailed from various ethnic groups (Berom, Tarok, Kamwe, Fali and HausaFulani). Evaluation methodology drew heavily on Grounded Theory and also included elements of Critical Discourse Analysis. The success of the methodology hinged on the ability of the Researcher to establish rapport and trust with respondents. The applied research methods were foremostly designed to build theory rather than statistically test any hypotheses. The thesis detects evidence not only for the salience of religion as a factor in the way conflict unfolds, but of religion displacing ethnicity as the marker of identity in some locations and age groups. It also demonstrates how ethno-religious narratives stemming from former rural strife between nomadic and sedentary populations and urban conflicts resulting from the competition for indigene rights have been conflated and then further reinforced by the emerging threat of Boko Haram, resulting in a narrative of a unified Muslim programme for conquest, domination and forced conversion. In tune with an undertaking couched in practical theology, this research also identifies a number challenges to the Church's witness and its ability to be a convincing force for reconciliation which arise from this. Eminently, there are signs that ethnocentric mores have been integrated into an emerging Christian identity, which engenders a monolatric perception of God and a penchant to reinforce boundaries rather than remove them. However, Christians also feel restricted by a Christian imperative to forego violence and beleaguered by an Islamic front which they perceive as having moral licence to perpetrate violence in pursuit of dominance. The researcher holds the conviction that it is the Nigerian Church who must embark on a theological process on her own to respond to some of these problems, and concludes with a number of propositions and recommendations to assist her on this voyage.

Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le cadre de l'harmonisation des langues africaines transfrontalières à tradition écrite émergente au moyen des Technologies de l’information et de la communication. / La langue, objet principal de la linguistique, se trouve également au carrefour d’autres disciplines connexes, toute chose qui repose la problématique de l’interdisciplinarité. Dans la présente thèse, il a été question des langues africaines transfrontalières, notamment le Peul abordé sous l’angle de sa dotation pour un enseignement-apprentissage plus efficient dans un contexte africain où les TIC ne sont plus nouvelles. En effet, les sources écrites du savoir en Peul sont d’exploitation très localisées. Ainsi, un journal, un livre de lecture ou de mathématique produit au Sénégal est inutilisable par les apprenants du Burkina Faso. Il se pose alors un problème d’harmonisation du Peul, objet de la présente thèse qui porte plus exactement sur l’harmonisation du Peul par les TIC pour un enseignement-apprentissage plus efficient. L’harmonisation du Peul qui ne saurait exclure du processus aucun de ses parlers qui sont de véritables richesses (Daff, 2004) participe de son utilisation à des fins d’enseignement-apprentissage plus efficient, l’efficience étant le rapport entre le niveau d’efficacité et les ressources (Gérard, 2001). Pour que le Peul, médium linguistique, participe effectivement d’un enseignement-apprentissage plus efficient, les TIC constituent un outil précieux, elles qui donnent «l’occasion de repenser et de délocaliser, dans le temps et dans l’espace, les échanges entre les enseignants et les élèves et favorisent ainsi la création de nouvelles avenues pour des activités d’apprentissage» (Karsenti, 2004, p. 268). Aussi, les objectifs de la présente étude ont-ils été les suivants : mieux comprendre comment les TIC peuvent aider à lever les defis de l’harmonisation de la terminologie et de l’orthographe du Peul ; mieux comprendre dans quelle mesure la diffusion de ressources peules sur Internet a un impact sur « l’évolution positive » de cette langue ; mieux comprendre comment les TIC peuvent rendre plus efficient l’enseignement-apprentissage du Peul. Pour atteindre les objectifs de la recherche, nous avons eu recours à une méthodologie ayant accordé une place de choix aux TIC dans la collecte des données. La thèse étant rédigée par articles, chacun des objectifs a été mis en relation avec l’un des trois articles. Du reste, l’étude fait ressortir que les TIC contribuent efficacement à l’harmonisation du Peul pour un enseignement-apprentissage plus efficient. / Language, the principal object of linguistics, is also located at the crossroads of other disciplines, anything that lies the issue of interdisciplinarity. In this thesis, it was question of cross-border African languages, including Fulani discussed in terms of its allocation for a teaching / learning process more efficient in an African context where ICT is no longer new. Indeed, the written sources of knowledge in Fulani are very localized. Thus, a newspaper, a book reading or mathematics produced in Senegal is unusable by learners of Burkina Faso. This raises a problem of harmonization of the Fulani, subject of this thesis which focuses exactly on the harmonization of the Fulani of ICT for teaching / learning process more efficient. The harmonization of the Fulani who can not be excluded from the process any of its dialects which are true wealth, part of its use for teaching / learning process more efficient, the efficiency being the ratio between the level of efficiency and resources (Gerard, 2001). For the Fulani, linguistic medium, actually participates in a teaching / learning process more efficient, ICT is a valuable tool, giving them "an opportunity to rethink and relocate in time and space, the exchange between teachers and students and thus promote the creation of new avenues for learning activities "(Karsenti, 2004, p. 268). Therefore, the objectives of this study have they been: better understanding of how ICT can promote harmonization of terminology and spelling of the Fulani; better understand how the distribution of Fulani resources on the Internet has an impact on the "positive development" that language; better understand how ICT can make more efficient teaching / learning of the Fulani. To achieve the research objectives, we used a methodology which granted a place of ICT in data collection. The thesis being drafted by sections, each objective has been linked with one of three articles. Moreover, the study revealed that ICT effectively contribute to the harmonization of the Fulani to a teaching / learning process more efficient.

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L’État peul du Macina a été fondé en 1818 par le pasteur Sékou Amadou (m. 1845), qui a entretenu des relations épistolaires avec la prestigieuse famille kunta de Tombouctou. Les informations rapportées de la tradition orale considèrent le rapport entre ces deux parties comme conflictuel. Selon cette dernière, les Kunta auraient été agitateurs qui tentaient de soulever les Touaregs contre les souverains peuls du Macina. Or, d’après leur diffèrent échanges épistolaires, il nous semble que leurs relations ont connu deux périodes distinctes La nature de leur rapport varie selon les époques : celle qui s’étend de la prise du pouvoir par Sékou Amadou jusqu’en 1847, puis celle qui s’ouvre avec Aḥmad al-Bakkāy al-Kuntī, notamment à partir de 1851/2, jusqu’à la victoire d’al-Ḥāğğ cUmar Tall sur le dernier émir, Amadou Amadou, en 1862.L’un des chefs kunta de la première période fut le cheikh al-Muḫtār aṣ-Ṣaġīr (m. 1847). Il a accompagné la dynastie peule du Macina, entretenu les bons rapports que ses prédécesseurs avaient noués avec les Peuls et entrepris des bons offices entre ces derniers et les Touaregs de Tombouctou. Cependant, au cours de la médiation du cheikh kunta entre les Peuls et les Touaregs, quelques difficultés sont survenues, des divergences d’avis et d’interprétation se sont révélées sans pour autant avoir des conséquences notoires sur leurs rapports. Ses correspondances avec les souverains peuls du Macina ont permis de traiter les sujets brûlants de son époque, dont certains sont toujours d’actualités au Mali.Notre travail se propose d’éditer, de faire le commentaire, de traiter les quelques épîtres manuscrites que ces hommes, religieux et politiques, ont échangées, de montrer à quel point les deux traditions, orale et écrite, convergent ou divergent, et de faire une étude historique de la question touarègue au Mali, qui devient un conflit cyclique ! / The Fulani state of Macina was founded in 1818 the shepherd Sékou Amadou (1845), who had epistolary relations with the Kunta family of Timbuktu. The reported information from the oral tradition considers the relationship between these two parties as conflictual. According to the latter, the Kunta were agitators attempting to rise up the Tuaregs against the Fulani rulers of Macina. Now, according to their different epistolary exchanges, it seemed to us that this relation had known two distinct periods the nature of which varies, according to that which extends from the rise to power of Sekou Amadou until 1847, or that which opens with Aḥmad al-Bakkāy al-Kuntī, especially from 1851/2 until the victory of al-Ḥāğğ cUmar Tall on the last emir, Amadou Amadou, in 1862.One of the Kunta chiefs of the first period was Sheikh al-Muḫtār al-ṣaġīr (1847). He accompanied the Fulani dynasty of Macina, maintained the good relationship that his predecessors had forged with the Fulani and undertook good offices between them and the Touaregs of Timbuktu. However, during the mediation of Sheikh Kunta between the Fulani and the Tuaregs, some difficulties arose, differences of opinion and interpretation without having noticeable consequences on their mutual relations. His correspondences with the Fulani rulers of Macina made it possible to treat the burning topics of his time, some of whichare still relevant in Mali.Our work proposes to publish, to comment, to treat the few handwritten epistles that these men, religious and political, have exchanged, to demonstrate to what extent the two traditions, oral and written, converge or diverge, and to make a historical study of the Tuareg question in Mali, which has become a recurrent conflict.

La région du Sahel a connu ces dernières années des violences terroristes sans précédent. Dans le Sahel central (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger), selon les chiffres de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, on a dénombré 4000 décès pour l’année 2019 contre 770 décès en 2016. En ce qui concerne le Burkina Faso, le chef du Bureau des Nations Unies pour l’Afrique de l’Ouest et le Sahel, Mohamed Ibn Chambas, rapportait devant les membres du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies que : « le nombre de personnes tuées au Burkina Faso est passé d’environ 80 en 2016 à plus de 1800 en 2019 ». Afin de mettre fin aux violences terroristes et protéger les biens et les populations civiles, plusieurs acteurs dont les Forces de défense et de sécurité, les groupes d’autodéfense et les volontaires pour la défense de la patrie sont engagés dans la lutte contre le terrorisme au Burkina Faso. Toutefois ces derniers ont commis des exactions envers les populations civiles, notamment la communauté peule sur fond d’amalgame entre Peuls et terroristes. De plus, les pasteurs peuls sont sujets à des violences du fait de conflits intercommunautaires. Le présent mémoire se veut donc mener une réflexion sur la protection de cette communauté vulnérable. À cet égard, deux schémas de protection sont envisagés. Dans un premier temps, il est question de traiter de la protection des pasteurs nomades peuls sous le prisme de la protection internationale des minoritaires. Ce faisant, le droit positif sera mis à contribution. En ce sens que l’on traitera de la protection des minorités par les instruments de droits humains. Dans un deuxième temps, on verra qu’il sied d’envisager une approche préventive de la protection des groupes minoritaires, en intégrant les groupes protégés (femmes et enfants) dans la prévention des conflits, étant donné que la protection constitutionnelle des minorités souhaitée dans le premier schéma présente des limites : l’État burkinabè ne reconnaissant pas constitutionnellement les minorités. / The Sahel region has experienced unprecedented terrorist violence in recent years. In the central Sahel (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger), according to United Nations figures, there were 4,000 deaths for the year 2019 compared to 770 deaths in 2016. About Burkina Faso, the head of the UN Office for West Africa and the Sahel, Mohamed Ibn Chambas, reported to the members of the UN Security Council that “the number of people killed in Burkina Faso has risen from about 80 in 2016 to more than 1,800 in 2019.” To put an end to terrorist violence and protect property and civilians, several actors, including the Defense and Security Forces, self-defense groups, and volunteers for the defense of the homeland are engaged in the fight against terrorism in Burkina Faso. However, the latter have committed acts of violence against civilians, particularly the Fulani community, while confusing Fulani with terrorists. In addition, Fulani pastoralists are subject to violence because of intercommunity conflicts. This thesis therefore aims to reflect on the protection of this vulnerable community. In this regard, two protection schemes are considered. First, the protection of nomadic Fulani pastoralists will be addressed through the prism of the international protection of minorities. In doing so, positive law will be called upon. In this sense, we will deal with the protection of minorities by human rights instruments. Secondly, it will be seen that it is appropriate to consider a preventive approach to the protection of minority groups, by integrating the protected groups (women and children) into conflict prevention, given that the constitutional protection of minorities desired in the first outline has its limits: the Burkinabe state does not constitutionally recognize minorities.

Le califat de Hamdallahi a été gouverné successivement par trois dirigeants dont tous portaient le prénom « Amadou » pendant un demi-siècle de 1818 à 1862. La capitale du califat se trouvait dans la région du Macina au centre de l’actuel Mali en Afrique de l’Ouest. Cette région a connu de nombreuses mutations au XIXe siècle, particulièrement sur le plan intellectuel, politique et confrérique. Cette étude couvre uniquement la période de 1800 et 1866 dans la région du Macina. Ce travail s’est basé sur un texte polémique entre les Qādiris et les Tījānis ouest africains du XIXe siècle. Ce choix a pour but d’élargir davantage la documentation sur l’histoire du Macina et surtout faire connaître la littérature ouest africaine du XIXe siècle. L’historiographie de la région s’est jusqu’à présent fondée sur des jugements rapides ne reposant pas sur une étude approfondie des textes, l’intérêt de ce choix est justement de faire parler les textes autour de ces problématiques.Cette étude illustre en partie l’histoire intellectuelle et politique de l’Afrique de l’Ouest au XIXe siècle. Le texte a été composé après la victoire militaire d’al-Ḥājj Umar dans la région du Macina en 1862. Cette conquête a mis fin définitivement à l’existence d’un État théocratique connu sous le nom de califat de Hamdallahi, un des États les plus organisés politiquement en Afrique de l’ouest au XIXe siècle. Ce conflit politique s’est transformé en partie en un conflit d’ordre confrérique. Ibn Yerkoy Talfi disciple d’al-Ḥājj Umar et idéologue tījāni était dans le camp des vainqueurs et s’est retourné contre le plus haut responsable de la confrérie Qādiriyya subsaharienne Aḥmad al-Bakkay. Ce dernier était représentant de la confrérie Qādiriyya et se trouvait parmi les vaincus, Aḥmad al-Bakkay avaient longtemps critiqué al-Ḥājj Umar et sa confrérie.Une investigation beaucoup plus large et une analyse critique des textes nous ont permis de revenir sur certains sujets déjà étudiés auparavant par exemple : la surévaluation de la question confrérique en toile de fond, les enjeux des relations Kunta/Peuls dans la période étudiée. La manipulation des textes religieux pour des raisons politiques, historiques et sociales. / For half a century from 1818-1862, the Hamdallahi Caliphate was ruled by three successive leaders who each carried the name “Amadou.” The capital of the Caliphate was located in the Macina region which is in the center of modern-day Mali in West Africa. This region witnessed numerous changes over the course of the nineteenth century, especially in its intellectual, political and Sufi configurations. This study is focused exclusively on the period from 1800 to 1866 in the Macina region. The work is based on a polemical text about the differences between West African members of the Qādiriyya and Tījāniyya brotherhoods during the nineteenth century. This choice was made with the goal of expanding the documentary basis for the history of the Macina, and more than this, to make the West African literature of the nineteenth century better known. The historiography of the region has until now been based on quick analyses which are not based on deep study of texts and as such, the choice made here in this thesis is to concentrate on the contents of texts related to these problems. This study illustrates the intellectual and political history of West Africa in the nineteenth century. The text was written after the military victory of al-Ḥājj Umar in the Macina region in 1862. That conquest put a definitive end to the theocratic state known by the name of the Hamdallahi Caliphate, one of the best organized states in West Africa in the nineteenth century. The political conflict was transformed into a conflict between brotherhoods. Ibn Yerkoy Talfi was a disciple of al-Ḥājj Umar and a Tījāni ideologue who was part of the winning side, and it was directed against Aḥmad al-Bakkay, leader of the Qādiriyya brotherhood in sub-Saharan Africa. Aḥmad al-Bakkay was among those defeated in this conflict, and had been a longtime critic of al-Ḥājj Umar and his brotherhood.A much broader investigation and critical analysis of the texts allows us to return to certain topics which have already been studies such as the wider context of these events, the stakes in the relations between the Kunta and Fulɓe in the period studies, and the manipulation of religious texts for political, historical and social reasons.