The purpose of the present degree project was to investigate the possibilities of assessing social sustainability and, on this basis, to carry out an equality analysis of wood as a construction material. The latter part of the purpose was met by carrying out social life cycle assessments focusing on gender equality: one for wood as anengineering material and one for house with wooden frame. The result was presented as a gender index which indicated the proportion of the work carried out by women. To gain more knowledge about wood as an engineering material a complete social life cycle assessment is necessary. A complete social life cycle analysis should not be reduced to a single measurement number by merging different effect categories of social sustainability. The conclusion in the report was that such an analysis is better to present in so-called polar diagrams where each individual impact category can be distinguished, but not necessarily all indicators. The method used to assess gender equality can be used to assess other impact categories.

La presente investigación realiza un análisis sobre las barreras del crecimiento profesional en las mujeres trabajadoras de entre 20 y 45 años en la ciudad de Lima Metropolitana, que ocupan puestos gerenciales y de mandos medios, basados en un caso de estudio en tres empresas del Grupo Romero: Corporación de Servicios GR S.A., Corporación Primax S.A. y Ransa Comercial S.A. Asimismo, se cuenta con la posición de expertos en temas sobre la igualdad de género y la participación del Estado. Los tres factores mencionados, las tres empresas de estudio, la posición de los expertos y el Estado, fueron analizados y comparados para evaluar si existen similitudes o diferencias para identificar las barreras que la mujer tiene que afrontar para desarrollarse profesionalmente. En el primer capítulo se define el tema, el problema, la hipótesis, el objetivo general y los objetivos específicos y se describe la situación problemática inicial de la investigación. El segundo capítulo desarrolla el marco teórico y la relevancia del estudio sobre el impacto económico y social que se obtendría en una sociedad donde la brecha de género no existiera. En el tercer capítulo se define la metodología que se utilizó para el desarrollo de la tesis. En el cuarto capítulo se menciona los hallazgos encontrados en el proceso de la investigación. Por último, se presentan las conclusiones que responde al objetivo general y los objetivos específicos realizados, así como las recomendaciones que se hacen para reducir la brecha de género. / This research analyzes the barriers to professional growth in working women between 20 and 45 years of age, in the city of Lima - Peru, which performs is managerial and middle management positions, this Study cases is based on three enterprise of Romero Group: Corporación de Servicios GR S.A., Corporación Primax S.A. y Ransa Comercial S.A Likewise, this is a perception of experts on issues of gender equality and participation of competent government authorities. The three mentioned factors, the three study companies, the position of the experts and the government, were analyzed and compared to assess if there are similarities or differences to identify the barriers that the woman has to face in order to develop professionally. In the first chapter the subject, the problem, the hypothesis, the general objective and the specific objectives are defined and the initial problematic situation of the investigation is described. The second chapter develops the theoretical framework and the relevance of the study on the economic and social impact that would be obtained in a society where the gender gap did not exist. In the third chapter the methodology that was used for the development of the thesis is defined. In the fourth chapter, the findings found in the research process are mentioned. Finally, conclusions are presented that respond to the general objective and the specific objectives, as well as the recommendations made to reduce the gender gap. / Tesis

The purpose of this study is to investigate if pedagogues treat children differently, depending on the children's sex. In the study, interviews are made with pre-school pedagogues about their thoughts on gender education in pre-school. The research questions are as follows:  How do the pedagogues treat children depending on their sex in some pre-selected situations in pre-school? What do the pedagogues think about gender education in pre-school?  How do their reasoning about gender education differ from how they treat girls and boys in their every day practice? In total nine observations and six interviews have been made in order to analyse these questions. During the observations we wrote down keywords, and we used audio recording to record the interviews. The overall theoretical framework is based on Yvonne Hirdman's work on gender theory. The results of this study show, that the pedagogues on numerous occasions do not treat girls and boys equally. All pedagogues, however, say that they either treat girls and boys equally, or that they hope that they treat girls and boys equally. A conclusion in the study is that the reality of the pedagogues’ treatment of children of different sexes, is not compatible with the pedagogues’ perspective of how they treat the children

Magister Commercii - MCom (Business and Finance) / The dawn of democracy in South Africa (SA) in 1994 i.e. post-apartheid era came with inherent societal gender deficiencies and in all Sectors of the SA economy women experienced challenges. Specifically in the Banking Sector women were under represented in leadership and executive positions. The legal framework changed to correct the inequalities of the past resulting in various charters encouraging the private and public sector to transform.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / This work sought to examine the electoral quotas as a public policy, through the analysis of the Brazilian laws in force, the literature and official data on the participation of women in positions of power, especially in the Brazilian legislat ive power. First of all, we analyzed the right to equality and its variations, as well as the mechanisms to enforce it, with emphasis on affirmative action. We also analyzed the legitimacy of affirmative action to protect the rights of minorities, especially women in positions of power. The regulatory instruments of the electoral quota policy were evaluated, seeking to unravel the difficulties arising from the legal framework of public policy. This paper brought to the spotlight the mechanisms used to implement the policy and possible ways o reduce inequality between men and women in Brazilian politics and the results of women s participation in Brazilian elections since the implementation of affirmative action electoral quotas. In order to do it, we analyzed documents and bibliographies on the right of women, the importance of women's political participation to democracy and electoral quotas on Brazilian politics, as well as official data on election results since 1996. From this research , we concluded that, although important steps have been taken to promote gender equality in Brazil, there is still much to achieve , especially on women's participation in politics. / A partir de estudo bibliográfico e análise de dados oficiais sobre a participação das mulheres nos espaços de poder, em especial no legislativo brasileiro, buscou-se analisar a política pública de cotas eleitorais, por meio da análise das leis que vigorara m e vigoram sobre o tema. Iniciou-se analisando o direito a igualdade e suas vertentes, assim como os mecanismos para efetivar esse direito, com ênfase nas ações afirmativas. Passou-se então analisar a legitimidade das ações afirmativas na proteção dos direitos das minorias, em especial das mulheres nos espaços de poder. Avaliaram-se os instrumentos normativos da política de cotas eleitorais, buscando desvendar as dificuldades oriundas da estrutura legal da política pública. Por meio de análise dos resultados da participação das mulheres nas eleições brasileiras desde a implantação da ação afirmativa de cotas eleitorais, problematizou-se sobre os mecanismos utilizados para implantar a política e os caminhos possíveis para diminuir a desigualdade entre homens e mulheres na política brasileira. Para tanto, foram analisados documentos e bibliografias sobre o direito das mulheres, a importância da participação política das mulheres para a democracia e sobre política de cotas eleitorais brasileira, bem como dados oficiais sobre os resultados eleitorais desde 1996. De tal análise, concluiu-se que, embora importantes passos tenham sido dados para a promoção da igualdade de gênero no Brasil, muito há ainda que avançar, especialmente na participação das mulheres na política.

This thesis consists of three studies on corporate governance issues of Chinese listed companies. In the first study, I investigate the role of board secretaries in management earnings forecasts. Individuals in this senior executive position are responsible for coordinating information disclosure. I find that their legal and accounting expertise and foreign experience help improve management earnings forecast quality. The quality of forecasts, as indicated by forecast occurrence, frequency, precision and accuracy, is positively associated with board secretaries' duality role and equity holdings, whereas it is negatively associated with their political connections. The quality of forecasts is found to increase the compensation of board secretaries. Finally, I show that the equity holdings of board secretaries reduce litigation risks and increase corporate philanthropic giving. Based on the notion that women cooperate more with women than with men, my second study examines the gender interaction effect between female top managers and female board directors in Chinese firms. I show that this gender interaction is positively associated with the firm's accounting return but negatively associated with its stock price return. Earnings management, which can lead to overstated accounting numbers but unfavourable stock market reactions, partly explains the opposite results. Furthermore, I find that only the newly appointed female top managers engage in this earnings management. Overall, the findings suggest that the pressure on women to perform leads to 'women helping women', which is detrimental to shareholders' value. Women are underrepresented on corporate boards. By employing the large variation in socioeconomic development across provinces of China, the third study shows that the barriers to board gender diversity are deeply rooted in societal gender role attitudes. I find that corporate boards tend to be more gender diverse in a province where there is a smaller gender difference in educational achievement in STEM disciplines, where there is a stronger belief that women and men possess equal intrinsic abilities, or where female political leaders are present in the provincial government or communist party. However, I find little evidence that female labour force participation or childcare provision would affect board gender diversity. Collectively, the findings suggest that it is the gender equality attitudes rather than the supply of average female labour that contribute to gender-diverse corporate boards.

This quantitative study aims to investigate the mechanisms for ballot placement of underrepresented groups by examining how ideology and electoral vulnerability affect the ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates in the case of the election to the Swedish Riksdag in 2018. Four hypotheses for the relationship are set: that the Red-Greenswillputethnicminoritywomencandidates higherupontheirballots;that the Alliance will put ethnic minority women candidates higher up on their ballots; that electoral vulnerability will have a stronger effect on the Red-Greens’ ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates; that electoral vulnerability will have the same or no effect on the Red-Greens’ and the Alliance’s ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates. The results show a significant relationship between ideology and ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates but no effect of electoral vulnerability. The conclusion is therefore that the Red-Greens are more likely to put ethnic minority women higher up on their ballots compared to the Alliance, and that it does not matter if a party belongs to the Red-Greens or the Alliance, because if the party is at risk of electoral defeat the effect of electoral vulnerability on the ballot placement of ethnic minority women candidates will be the same in both blocs.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Have South African women's lives become happier since the transition to democracy? If they are, could this be linked to gender equality? This is the central question of this study. This study explored a group of women’s subjective experiences of gender equality, by which I mean equality on the basis of gender; and happiness, which refers to women’s life satisfaction and their affective state. It further explores whether gender equality and happiness are linked. The study assumed that everything being equal, endeavours to liberate women from patriarchy and towards gender equality enhance women’s happiness. 1994 ushered in a democratic South Africa and numerous legislative and policy changes were introduced that affect women. Considerable gains have been made at the constitutional and political levels for women’s equality and gender justice. This is reflected in the rankings of South Africa on many different indices. Yet, we see numerous challenges facing women including poverty and gender-based violence. This study examined whether the presence of a range of policies as well as affirmative and protective measures for women have impacted on how they experience their lives. In particular, do they feel that they are happy and do they see happiness as linked to gender equality efforts? Given the research question, this study was grounded within a feminist framework. A mixed methods approach utilising both qualitative and quantitative methods was employed.

<p>U poslednjih tridesetak godina do&scaron;lo je do<br />značajnog napretka u ostvarivanju rodne<br />ravnopravnosti i prava žena na svetskom<br />nivou. Međutim, rodni jaz u oblasti<br />ekonomske i političke ravnopravnosti jo&scaron;<br />predstavlja poseban izazov za globalni<br />razvoj, ravnopravnu raspodelu resursa, kao i<br />sprečavanje rodno zasnovanog nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Položaj žena u Srbiji prati<br />pokazatelje na svetskom nivou i bez obzira<br />na socijalističko nasleđe, uče&scaron;će žena u javnoj<br />sferi rada i politike jo&scaron; uvek je veliki izazov<br />za razvoj i modernizaciju dru&scaron;tva, kao i za<br />feminističku teoriju i praksu.<br />U teorijskom smislu teza se oslanja na<br />feminističku kritiku koncepta liberalnog<br />građanstva i rodne podele rada na javnu<br />sferu koja pripada mu&scaron;karcima, i privatnu<br />koja pripada ženama. Praktične posledice<br />ove podele utiču na položaj žena u javnoj, ali i<br />privatnoj sferi, uživanje prava na<br />ravnopravnost, život bez nasilja i<br />diskriminacije. Upravo zato je tranformacija<br />rodnog režima u sferi privatnosti i porodice<br />poseban izazov za sve aktere koji učestvuju u<br />kreiranju javnih politika, jer mogu da utiču<br />na menjanje patrijahalnih rodnih uloga i<br />obrazaca, ali i na njihovo jačanje. Stoga<br />politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju važan<br />predmet proučavanja rodnih teorija i<br />feminističke prakse, posebno u kontekstu<br />slabljenja države blagostanja i redefinisanja<br />koncepta nege u globalnoj ekonomiji.<br />U radu ispitujem načine na koji javne politike<br />i zakonodavstvo u Srbiji od 2000. do 2014.<br />reguli&scaron;u rodne odnose u domenu porodičnog<br />života i na koji način te intervencije</p><p>doprinose rodnoj ravnopravnosti, odnosno<br />smanjenju rodne diskriminacije. Promene u<br />diskursu i praksi politika podr&scaron;ke porodici<br />posmatram u periodu od četrnaest godina<br />(2000‒2014), koji predstavlja početni period<br />dru&scaron;tvene, političke i ekonomske tranzicije u<br />Srbiji koja je diskurzivno neodvojiva od<br />evropskih integracija.<br />Politike podr&scaron;ke porodici predstavljaju<br />strate&scaron;ke i zakonske mere kojima se reguli&scaron;e<br />i olak&scaron;ava roditeljstvo i briga o zavisnim<br />članovima porodice (finansijske olak&scaron;ice za<br />porodice sa decom, ostvarivanje prava i<br />pristup različitim servisima brige i nege), kao<br />i mere koje reguli&scaron;u trži&scaron;te rada kako bi se<br />povećala zaposlenost i za&scaron;titile porodice sa<br />decom od nezaposlenosti i siroma&scaron;tva<br />(posebna za&scaron;tita trudnica, porodilja i majki<br />sa decom, usklađivanje porodičnog i<br />poslovnog života, roditeljsko odsustvo zbog<br />brige o detetu, fleksibilni oblici rada, ali i<br />mere zapo&scaron;ljavanja te&scaron;ko zapo&scaron;ljivih<br />kategorija stanovni&scaron;tva u oblasti nege).<br />U radu zastupam tezu da se proces<br />formulisanja pravnog i strate&scaron;kog okvira<br />politika podr&scaron;ke porodici nalazi pod uticajem<br />nekoliko faktora. Ti faktori su, pre svega,<br />globalna neoliberalna ekonomska, dru&scaron;tvena<br />i politička tranzicija od države blagostanja ka<br />državi rada, kao i odgovora regionalnih<br />(Evropska unija), odnosno<br />lokalnih/poluperiferijskih (Srbija) rodnih<br />režima na ove procese. Stoga je fokus rodne<br />analize politika podr&scaron;ke porodici na<br />potencijalnom &bdquo;iskrivljavanju i pro&scaron;irivanju&rdquo;<br />značenja rodne ravnopravnosti (Lombardo<br />et al., 2009), kao i u mehanizmima<br />uključenosti i isključenosti &bdquo;glasa&ldquo; pojedinih<br />aktera u proces odlučivanja o specifičnim<br />okvirima ovih politika.<br />Takođe, kreiranje javnih politika u privatnoj<br />sferi posmatram i u okviru primene koncepta<br />interesekcionalnosti (Crenshaw 1989) i<br />kritičkih studija maskuliniteta (Hearn 2004).<br />U istraživanju posebnu pažnju posvećujem<br />preduslovima i kriterijumima primene<br />strategije urodnjavanja u kreiranju javnih<br />politika (Verloo 2001). Kritički se osvrćem na<br />recepciju i primenu strategije urodnjavanja u</p><p>Srbiji, imajući u vidu njen transformativni<br />potencijal s jedne strane, a sa druge<br />tehnokratsko-birokratski pristup kreatora<br />politika i donosilaca odluka.<br />U disertaciji posebno analiziram ko-optiranje<br />urodnjavanja sa drugim ciljevima javnih<br />politika koje često ne moraju imati za cilj<br />rodnu ravnopravnost, već na primer,<br />konkurentnost na trži&scaron;tu rada ili povećanje<br />stope nataliteta. Primenu urodnjavanja<br />analizirala sam u okviru koncepta državnog<br />feminizma (MacBride and Mazur 2010) i<br />procesa evropeizacije, a u kontekstu postkonfliktnog,<br />post-socijalističkog dru&scaron;tva<br />poluperiferije u Srbiji (Blagojević 2009).<br />Disertacija nudi uvid u procese, institucije i<br />kriterijume koje je potrebno ispuniti kako bi<br />se tranformisali rodni režimi i otklonila<br />rodna diskriminacija i u privatnoj i javnoj<br />sferi. Rezultati istraživanja mogu biti od<br />koristi donosiocima odluka i kreatorima<br />politika u primeni informisanih odluka<br />prilikom uobličavanja politika podr&scaron;ke<br />porodici u Srbiji.</p> / <p>Over the past thirty years there has been<br />significant progress in achieving gender<br />equality and women&#39;s rights world-wide.<br />However, the gender gap in the area of<br />economic and political equality still poses a<br />special challenge to global development, the<br />equal distribution of resources, and the<br />prevention of gender-based violence and<br />discrimination. The position of women in<br />Serbia is part of this global trend and<br />regardless of socialist history, women&#39;s<br />participation in the public sphere of work and<br />politics is still a major challenge for the<br />development and modernization of society, as<br />well as for feminist theory and practice.<br />Theoretically, the thesis relies on a feminist<br />critique of the concept of liberal citizenship<br />and the gender division of labor, where the<br />public sphere is belonging to men, and private<br />to women. The practical consequences of this<br />division affect the position of women in the<br />public as well as the private sphere, the<br />enjoyment of the right to equality, life without<br />violence and discrimination. That is precisely<br />why the transformation of the gender regime<br />in the sphere of privacy and family is a<br />particular challenge for all actors involved in<br />the creation of public policies, as they can<br />influence the changing or strengthening of<br />patriarchal gender roles and patterns.<br />Therefore, family support policies are an<br />important subject of the study of gender<br />theories and feminist practice, especially in<br />the context of the weakening of the welfare<br />state and the redefinition of the concept of<br />care in the global economy.<br />In the thesis, I am examining the ways in</p><p>which public policies and legislation in Serbia<br />regulate gender relations in the domain of<br />family life from 2000 to 2014 and how these<br />interventions contribute to gender equality<br />and to the reduction of gender discrimination.<br />I study changes in discourse and practice of<br />family policies for a period of fourteen years<br />(2000-2014), which represents the beginning<br />of social, political and economic transition in<br />Serbia that is discursively inseparable from<br />European integration.<br />Family policies are strategic and legal<br />measures that regulate and facilitate<br />parenting and care for dependent family<br />members (financial relief for families with<br />children, exercising rights and access to<br />various care and care services), as well as<br />measures regulating the labor market to<br />increase employment and protection of<br />families with children from unemployment<br />and poverty (special protection of pregnant<br />women, maternity and mothers with children,<br />reconciliation of family and work life, parental<br />leave due to child care, flexible working<br />practices, as well as employment measures of<br />hard-to-employ categories of population in<br />the field of care).<br />In the dissertation, I argue that the process of<br />formulating the legal and strategic framework<br />of family policies in Serbia is under the<br />influence of several factors. These factors are,<br />above all, a global neoliberal economic, social<br />and political transition from the welfare state<br />to the workfare state, as well as the responses<br />of regional (European Union) and local /<br />semi-peripherial (Serbia) gender regimes to<br />these processes. Therefore, the focus of<br />gender analysis in the dissertation is the<br />family policy of supporting the family in the<br />potential &quot;stretching and bending&quot; of the<br />meaning of gender equality (Lombardo et al.,<br />2009), as well as in the mechanisms of<br />inclusion and exclusion of the &quot;voice&quot; of<br />individual actors in the decision-making<br />process on the specific frameworks of these<br />policies. Also, the creation of public policies in<br />the private sphere is also seen within the<br />theoretical framework and practical<br />application of the concept of intersectionality</p><p>(Crenshaw, 1989) and critical studies of men<br />and masculinity (Hearn, 2004).<br />In the dissertation, special attention is paid to<br />the preconditions and criteria of successful<br />implementation of the gender mainstreaming<br />in the creation of public policies (Verloo,<br />2001). It reflects critically on the reception<br />and implementation of the gender<br />mainstreaming in Serbia, bearing in mind its<br />transformative potential on the one hand, and<br />on the other, the technocratic-bureaucratic<br />approach of policymakers and decisionmakers.<br />In particular, the dissertation analyzes the cooption<br />of gender mainstreaming with other<br />policy outcomes that often do not have to<br />have as a goal gender equality, but for<br />example, labor market competitiveness or an<br />increase in the birth rate. Successful<br />application of the gender mainstraming was<br />specifically analyzed within the concept of<br />state feminism (MacBride and Mazur, 2010),<br />the process of EU accession, and in the context<br />of the post-conflict, post-socialist semiperiphery<br />society in Serbia (Blagojević, 2009).<br />The ultimate goal of the research is to support<br />decision-makers and policy makers in<br />implementing informed decisions when<br />shaping family policies in Serbia. At the same<br />time, the disertation offers a useful insight<br />into the processes, institutions and criteria<br />that need to be met in order to transform the<br />gender regimes and eliminate gender<br />discrimination in the private and public<br />sphere.</p>

The aim of this study is to deepen the understanding of women's working conditions within the NGO sector in Colombia, and to find out what factors that impact women’s possibilities for achievements. Through out a qualitative approach five interviews with women were conductedin Bogotá, the capital of Colombia. The collected data was analyzed by a qualitative content analysis, with the purpose to find themes and categorizations in the material, in order to interpret the respondents’ experiences and how they present them. The analysis shows, that what all respondents have in common is that previous life events and a dedication to contribute to societal changes, seem to be the most vital factors in terms of how they got to where they are today. In various ways, they all have noticed flaws in the system, to which they have committed full-hearted to change. Further, the results indicate that women’s likeability to be recognized as leaders are greater within the NGO sector, than in the society at large. However, despite the similarities found the results correspondingly show that there are differences in terms of perceptions as well as experiences. Thus, the results indicate the need to take various aspects into account, in order not to neglect the impact of different dimensions and factors.