Actuarial risk assessment tools have been part of the initial security classification process in Canadian prisons since the 1990s. Developed initially on a white, homogenous male prison population (Hannah-Moffat, 2015b), actuarial instruments have been championed by researchers in the field of corrections and psychology as an “objective” instrument that can standardize the classification procedure (Andrews et al., 1990; Barnum & Gobeil, 2012). However, the universal application of such tools has been met with resistance, criticized for having not been validated on an Indigenous prison population and thus culturally inappropriate for use (Martel et al., 2011; Monture-Angus, 1999; Webster & Doob, 2004). This thesis intends to examine how Correctional Service Canada (CSC) has legitimated the use of actuarial tools in its initial security classification and penitentiary placement procedure. Guided by the theoretical framework of governmentality (Foucault, 1991) and the logic of elimination (Wolfe, 1994; 2006), this study undertakes a qualitative content analysis of seven CSC research documents that evaluated the empirical validity and reliability of the Custody Rating Scale (CRS), a 12-item structured instrument that calculates a prisoner’s recommended security classification level. I put forth the argument that, in the process of legitimating actuarial instruments by appealing to justifications grounded in an actuarial rationality, CSC simultaneously facilitates the ontological erasure of Indigenous people in prison that is consistent with a logic of elimination inherent in settler colonial societies.

This thesis explores the phenomenon of cancel culture within the media and communication science field, aiming to contribute to the understanding of cancel culture beyond the focal point of the cancelled figure. Drawing upon the theoretical framework of Governmentality with discourse and language and utilizing Multimodal Discourse Analysis (MCDA) as a methodological tool, the study delves into the complexities of cancel culture and its implications. The research involves a comprehensive qualitative analysis of Facebook news posts, with a further selection of content informed by a preliminary quantitative analysis of prevalent language themes found in their comments. By combining both quantitative and qualitative approaches, the study provides a nuanced understanding of the discourses surrounding cancel culture. Through an exploration of the praise of Yasin as Sweden’s best rapper, now a prominent figure within the context of cancel culture, the thesis analyses the qualitative technicalities of how Yasin is being cancelled and its potential resonance with his fans from marginalized communities. It sheds light on how Yasin's music functions a powerful medium of expression, capturing the complexity of life in exposed areas that resonates with the experiences of many young residents in the suburbs of exclusion. The thesis problematizes the potential consequences of cancelling public figures of marginalized communities and how this can be understood as a power relationship. Moreover, it stresses the potential segregation of social circles that can result from such actions. By this, it underscores the paradox of cancelling Yasin, who addresses the challenges faced by marginalized communities, and how cancelling his domestic narrative may further widen the divide between these communities and the rest of society.

This paper focuses on how the Swedish social code known as The Jante Law plays a role in the prevalence of racism in Sweden, both on the individual and societal levels. Its core message that no one is superior to another fundamentally contradicts racism and informs government policy, but also reinforces institutionalized discrimination. I use literature review, ethnographic observations and interviews to examine the ways in which racism is understood and experienced in Sweden. This paper also investigates how concepts of sameness and community have changed over time and how the shifting of these concepts have resulted in greater inclusiveness in Swedish society. I first overview the history of Sweden’s interactions with non-Swedes and the shift in attitude regarding them. I then discuss the origins and nature of the Jante Law and how it functions as a hegemonic system as well as promoting certain behaviors as a component of governmentality. Furthermore, I analyze the trend of new cultures and ideas entering Swedish society and how such changes are causing the Jante Law to decline. I investigate how a culturally engrained notion of being modest and inconspicuous alters overt and covert racist discourse in Sweden. Additionally, I include an ethnographic account of my experience in Sweden as well as those of interviewees of various ethnic and cultural backgrounds. I conclude the paper with a discussion of the implications for Swedish society as immigration increases while the Jante Law loses its influence over Swedish culture.

Neoliberal ideology frames the discourse of the current political rhetoric of education as an economic investment in the preparation of students to compete in a global economy. These discourses that emanate from policymakers shape the construct of schooling and control the trajectory of education in the US. As education policy becomes centralized, accountability systems are assumed to be the driver of positive educational outcomes and higher student achievement; however, the impact of these systems of accountability shape teaching practice and may be pushing students with disabilities out of the competition and violating their right to access and participate in general education. This study examined the outcomes of current educational policy on daily teaching practice and its impact on inclusive practice. In addition, it examined teachers' self-regulation as a means to adapt and remain in a regulated environment. The perspectives of beginning and experienced teachers from an urban and a rural area were analyzed through semi- structured interviews, classroom observations, and document analysis.

Despite its imprecision, social capital is a powerful tool for examining how and why particular forms of social interaction lead to the health and well-being of communities, organisations, and even businesses. Community cohesion as a policy prescription emerged in the UK, following the social disturbances in certain northern cities and towns in the summer of 2001. The official reports into these disturbances identified lack of social interaction between different ethnic groups as a principal cause. Furthermore, social housing was seen as a key factor that could be used to prevent future disturbances. Accordingly, this research focuses on how the assets and forms of social capital act as good predictors of community cohesion, in the context of the New Labour government¿s aim to use social housing to build cohesive communities. Unless otherwise specified, references to ¿the government¿ throughout this thesis apply to the New Labour administration that came to power in the UK on 2nd May 1997 and ended with the Coalition administration led by the Conservatives on 11th May 2010. This thesis makes use of the linearity between the goals of social capital and the policy aims of community cohesion to match forms of social capital to specific forms of social interaction, in six selected social housing schemes in Bradford. Bradford was one of the cities affected by the disturbances in 2001. Analysis of the forms of social interaction in the case study housing schemes shows that bridging and linking forms of social capital, which could lead to enduring cohesive communities, were mainly latent in the schemes. This suggests that the peaceful co-existence in the case study housing schemes today is, possibly, postponed social conflict in the long term.

The incidence of violence and the configuration of areas of instability, which have accompanied rapid urbanisation processes in the global South, have led to a wide range of responses by state authorities at different levels. These responses include attempts to control, prevent and/or manage various forms of violence and crime. An emerging literature on urban security aims to improve our understanding of public security provision in volatile urban contexts in the global South. This literature has so far been dominated by policy-oriented and state-centric analyses, as well as by critiques of the way neoliberal governance is shaping responses to urban instability. These analytical approaches tend to ignore the political aspects and governmental consequences of security provision in fragile cities. This thesis argues that Foucault’s work on governmentality and ethnographic methodologies offer analytical and methodological tools that can help us address limitations in predominant analytical frameworks and contribute to fill gaps in the literature. The thesis develops an alternative critical approach to the study of urban security using those tools and employs it to investigate security provision in Medellin. This alternative approach focuses on the way security shapes governing processes in particular contexts and on their implications for those who are most vulnerable to urban fragility. Moreover, the thesis uses this innovative approach to investigate the security strategy implemented in Medellin since 2002, as part of what has come to be known as the ‘Medellin Model’. By exploring this particularly relevant case, this thesis highlights the significance of undertaking empirical explorations of the rationality of security strategies in different urban contexts and the importance of taking into account people´s differentiated experiences of security provision. Furthermore, this thesis argues that this alternative approach helps us understand the way power is exercised for particular purposes and on particular subjects in an attempt to deal with urban violence and insecurity. It also argues for the inclusion of these dimensions in contemporary studies of urban security in the global South.

This thesis focuses on how the recently implemented automated speed enforcement (ASE) program in the City of Toronto functions as a tool of social control. Using a governmentality lens, it investigates the linkages between techniques for regulating conduct and the rationalities that justify and push citizens into modifying and constructing themselves. The central research question guiding this project is: How does automated speed enforcement (ASE) function as a mechanism of social control? The research conducted to investigate this question was divided into two stages. Phase 1 involved examining information from publicly available open datasets from the City of Toronto, the Toronto Police Service, and Ontario's Open Data Catalogue pertaining to ASE. The findings from this phase pointed to differing traffic reporting standards between stakeholders, discrepancies between the publicly stated priorities that are meant to inform the selection of locations at which ASE is installed and the location of 24 current ASE sites in the city, and gaps in ASE related information to which members of the public currently have access. Phase 2 involved conducting key informant interviewees with representatives from the City of Toronto, City Councillors, and representatives of the Ontario Ministry of Transportation. These interviews revealed that there exist informal and formalized data sharing practices among road safety stakeholders, and that despite the existence of publicly available site selection criteria ambiguities persist regarding how locations for ASE installations actually are selected. Equally noteworthy, the interviews exposed contrasting perceptions about the extent to which monetary considerations inform the deployment and use of ASE. By examining the assemblages of tools, processes, and practices comprising the City of Toronto's ASE infrastructure, this thesis sheds light on how the latter work together to regulate, shape, and function as a post-panopticon tool of social control in the City of Toronto.This thesis focuses on how the recently implemented automated speed enforcement (ASE) program in the City of Toronto functions as a tool of social control. Using a governmentality lens, it investigates the linkages between techniques for regulating conduct and the rationalities that justify and push citizens into modifying and constructing themselves. The central research question guiding this project is: How does automated speed enforcement (ASE) function as a mechanism of social control? The research conducted to investigate this question was divided into two stages. Phase 1 involved examining information from publicly available open datasets from the City of Toronto, the Toronto Police Service, and Ontario's Open Data Catalogue pertaining to ASE. The findings from this phase pointed to differing traffic reporting standards between stakeholders, discrepancies between the publicly stated priorities that are meant to inform the selection of locations at which ASE is installed and the location of 24 current ASE sites in the city, and gaps in ASE related information to which members of the public currently have access. Phase 2 involved conducting key informant interviewees with representatives from the City of Toronto, City Councillors, and representatives of the Ontario Ministry of Transportation. These interviews revealed that there exist informal and formalized data sharing practices among road safety stakeholders, and that despite the existence of publicly available site selection criteria ambiguities persist regarding how locations for ASE installations actually are selected. Equally noteworthy, the interviews exposed contrasting perceptions about the extent to which monetary considerations inform the deployment and use of ASE. By examining the assemblages of tools, processes, and practices comprising the City of Toronto's ASE infrastructure, this thesis sheds light on how the latter work together to regulate, shape, and function as a post-panopticon tool of social control in the City of Toronto.

The European Union uses different means of power to exert its influence on the direct Neighbours of the polity.  One of the most influential and widely used means in the EU's foreign policy is soft-power and the value diffusion process. The process differs from harsh “imposition” of the norms and values, it rather creates the norms which are desirable to be achieved by others. The discourses used in the process of norm diffusion reinforce Union’s normative identity, but different types of powers intersect and interact with each other depending on the sector of cooperation. What is happening in the “People-to-People: Culture and Education” dimension of European Neighbourhood policy is described in the thesis, by analysing modes of external governance, tracing their biopolitical nature and determining the role of culture in the wider context of the relationship between EU and the Neighboring East.           This thesis is going to analyse grant applications in the framework of currently ongoing EU4Culture project , which aims to support the preparation of Cultural Development Strategies in non-capital cities and towns of Eastern Partnership countries (EaP). The project’s main objective is to promote Culture and Creativity as an engine for economic growth and social development. It is currently being held in five EaP countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova.

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