Ce travail s'intéresse aux politiques locales de gestion des bidonvilles à Lyon entre 2005 et 2012. J'ai tenté d'interroger ce qui mène à penser la situation des bidonvilles et des squats de roms comme une situation en même temps spécifique et ingérable. Cette spécificité amène sans cesse à questionner les roms plutôt que les modes de gestion de cette situation, ce qui fait des occupants des bidonvilles des « ingouvernables ». Le problème n'est bien entendu pas celui des roms mais un problème qui concerne le fonctionnement du collectif et notre rapport à ces situations. Parlant « d'occupation » lorsqu'un squat ou un bidonville s'installe entre les mailles du filet urbain, j'ai interrogé ce qui nous occupe tant lorsque des roms occupent une parcelle de vie urbaine. J'ai voulu montrer la répétition et l'insistance avec laquelle on est rivé sur cette présence étrange et étrangère. J'ai essayé de montrer à quel point il est nécessaire aux acteurs et observateurs des situations d'occupation de cerner, discerner et déterminer ce qui se passe et dépasse les attentes de conformation qui définissent la gouvernementalité contemporaine. C'est ce que j'ai tenté de documenter en tant que moments de « la faillite du gouvernement des roms en bidonvilles ».L'objet de ce travail est ce qu'il y a « d'ingouvernable » dans une situation. Ce qui « résiste » au gouvernement dans les situations des bidonvilles et des squats n'est pas une population en particulier, mais l'impossibilité d'en considérer une avec assurance et efficacité. Le problème n'est pas de savoir comment les roms « font » pour ne pas être identifiables à ce point, mais ce qui fait qu'il est nécessaire au gouvernement d'une situation de déterminer ce sur quoi il s'agit d'agir. En d'autres termes, il s'agit d'interroger le rapport qu'entretient l'exercice de la gouvernementalité avec les processus de subjectivation mais aussi les processus d'objectivation. De quelle manière l'exercice du pouvoir détermine un sujet agissant et en quoi les nécessaires sujets et objets transparents et adéquats à la reconnaissance, lorsqu'ils disparaissent de ce champ de « visibilité » pour atteindre le « hors-champ » des « indiscernables », remettent-ils en question l'exercice du gouvernement?L'une des notions centrales qui intervient dans ce travail est celle de résistance: d'abord, ce qui résiste est la possibilité d'objectiver ces situations, qui apparaît dans la perception de l'espace du bidonville, l'état des corps ou encore les recensements des occupants et les cartographies de l'habitat précaire, en tous les cas la possibilité de généraliser et de saisir globalement ce qui se passe; ensuite, ce qui résiste se situe dans l'action même de gestion des « situations de crise » et des bidonvilles, c'est la « crise » même qui est autant celle de l'institution qui ne peut qu'imparfaitement gérer les choses et la crise de son ambition à disposer des corps et du temps de ceux qui déborde du cadre institué; enfin, ce qui résiste s'adosse plus que s'oppose aux dispositifs par des manières de faire qui récupèrent ou conservent une marge de manœuvre tout en se situant en marge des subjectivités domestiques où s'investit avec plus ou moins de succès la gouvernementalité contemporaine. / This work deals with slums management local policies in Lyon between 2005 and 2012. I tried to interrogate what is leading to think roma’s slums situation as a specific and unmanageable situation. This specificity lead constantly to question roma people rather than the management’s policies of the situation. It produce roma people as not governed people or, as i said, « the ungovernables ». The problem is not obvioulsy roma’s problem, but a problem concerning the operation of social life and our own relation with these situations. Speaking about « occupation » when a settlement is occuring in the city’s cracks, I asked what is « occupying » us so much when roma occupy a plot of our city. I wanted to show with wich repetition and insistance we are binding on this strange and foreign presence. I tried to show how much it is necessary for the observers and actors of the situation to indentify, to distinguish and to establish what is going on and what is going over the expectations of conformation, wich are defining the contemporary governmentality. That is what i tried to document it as moments of « governmentality’s failure of roma’s slums».The purpose of this work is what it is « ungovernable » in any kind of situation. What resists to the governement of squats and slums situations is not a population in particular, but the impossibility to consider one with assertivness and effectivness. The problem is not to know how roma people are doing to be unidentified at this point but what is leading to be necessary for the governement of the situation to establish what it is needed to intervene on. In other words, the question is the relation between the practice of governement and the production’s process of subjectivity, as well as objectivity : in wich way the practice of power produce an acting subject and how necessarily transparent and appropriate-to-recognition subjects and objects, when they disappear of the field of « visibility » to get « off the limelight » the field of the « indinstinguishables », are calling the practice of governement in question ?One of the central notions in this work is the notion of resistance : first of all, what resists is the possibility of objectivize these situations, wich is appearing in the tricky perception of the space or the body’s conditions in slums, or the difficulty of population census and precarious housing mapping in the whole city, in all cases the possibility to generalize and to understand globaly what happens ; then, what resists is situated in the management of a « crisis situation » as a slum, it is the « crisis » itself wich is instituion’s one who is imperfectly able to govern things, and in the same time the crisis of its ambition to state and order body’s and time’s of whom overflows the established framework ; finally, what resists lean on apparatus more than is opposed to, with some ways of operating recovering or keeping a « room for maneuver », situated in the edge of the domestic subjectivity where the contemporary governmentality try, with more or less succes, to invest.

De-radicalisation has become increasingly prevalent in the UK’s counter-terrorism policy as a strategy for tackling the threat of religiously inspired violence/extremism. Recently, British citizens fighting in Middle Eastern conflicts have rekindled the preoccupation of policymakers with the radicalisation of British Muslims. In fact the work of PREVENT post 2011 has primarily been recalibrated towards a greater focus on de-radicalisation interventions, which is delivered by the police through the Channel programme. Channel is perceived by policy-makers to be a more streamlined and effective way of dealing with radicalised/extremist individuals than the wide remit of PREVENT initiatives between 2006 and 2010. Indeed since becoming placed on a statutory footing in 2015, PREVENT requires public institutions, like schools and universities, to identify ‘vulnerable’ individuals’ at risk of radicalisation. And yet despite the greater attention on de-radicalisation, very little continues to be known about what makes violent individuals leave terrorism behind. De-radicalisation in PREVENT is characterised by the absence of credible research, little or no empirical evidence for policy development, confusion surrounding its conceptual framework, and conflicting policy logics. The following thesis is based on a case-study examination of de-radicalisation with 27 PREVENT practitioners. Through qualitative semi-structured interviews, my investigation seeks to address the problems that arise from the concept and practice of de-radicalisation in PREVENT by ascertaining (a) an ontological understanding of de-radicalisation and (b) the practice of de-radicalisation. The findings of the fieldwork data revealed the existence of multiple conceptions of de-radicalisation and a number of conceptual features unique to the UK context. Despite yielding a more fruitful conceptual and empirical understanding of de-radicalisation, the data in itself nevertheless could not fully explicate the relationship between several critical themes comprehensively within an analytically generative framework. With the inductive method falling short, I draw on Michel Foucault’s concept of the ‘technologies of the self’. Comprising of discursive, disciplinary, and confessional technologies, it is argued that the technologies of the self allows us to reframe the concept beyond the narrow confines of counter-terrorism policy and place it within wider governmental relations. Situated within neo-liberal governmentality, the technologies of the self encourage individuals to work on themselves and regulate their behaviour through a wide range of discursive, practical, and technical interventions. Seen in this way, de-radicalisation is therefore less about the mitigation of violence and more about the making of a particular political and ethical subjectivity. Ultimately, the technology of the self eschews the conceptual problems inherent in the PREVENT conception of de-radicalisation, the limitations evident in the literature, whilst amplifying the salient findings of my fieldwork data. It provides a more robust concept and theory that successfully captures and explains de-radicalisation in the UK context. This thesis thus makes an original contribution to knowledge by (1) being the first study to gather primary data on de-radicalisation in the UK; (2) offering an alternative concept of de-radicalisation; and (3) contributing to theories on the governmentality of radicalisation policies, focusing on the micro-politics of identity in neoliberal governance.

In what ways does the legal and political monitoring of “hate groups” and "hate group activities" benefit the American left? Possible victims of crimes? Law enforcement? The state? Specifically, in what ways does the Southern Poverty Law Center’s “hate map” challenge and/or reiterate relations of power and knowledge? This thesis offers a feminist critical analysis of hate group surveillance and the Southern Poverty Law Center’s mapping of hate. The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) is a progressive legal advocacy group that aids in the surveillance of “hate groups” and legislation against “hate crimes.” I investigate the assumptions grounding the SPLC’s rhetorical use of the term “hate” and analyze their surveillance and mapping in order to add to the growing body of literature that that seeks to rethink the institution of whiteness and the relationship between progressive groups and law enforcement. The SPLC’s “Hate Map” offers a visualization of “hate” while simultaneously ignoring and obscuring racism. This thesis is meant to produce an alternative reading of this map and the SPLC’s hate group surveillance. Using a critical feminist framework that is intimately linked to critical race theory and anarchist criminology, I interrogate the SPLC’s methods of mapping and surveillance as well as their connection to law enforcement and governmentality. In analyzing SPLC’s “Hate Map” and their “Law Enforcement Resources” page, I contend that the SPLC's use of "hate" in lieu of racism is a reflection of their uncritical analysis of systematic racism and state violence associated with whiteness. While I recognize SPLC’s important role in combating crimes against marginalized groups through advocacy and legal aid, I contend that their rhetoric around “hate” and use of mapping and surveillance may potentially collude with governmentality and state violence against historically disenfranchised populations.

Avec le renforcement des frontières extérieures de l'Union européenne, les îles en Méditerranée sont devenues des lieux clés de la politique de contrôle migratoire. Cette thèse s'intéresse au cas de Malte. A l'appui des « governmentality studies », cette thèse pose les questions suivantes : comment les migrants deviennent-ils l'objet de stratégies gouvernementales depuis l'adhésion de l'île-Etat à l'Union européenne en 2004 et comment y réagissent-ils par leurs pratiques ? La littérature sur le contrôle migratoire tend à étudier soit les décideurs, soit les populations cibles. En cela, ce champ d'étude a tendance à reproduire la déconnexion opérée par les politiques publiques entre gouvernés et gouvernants. Prenant le contre-pied de ces approches, cette déconnexion constitue l'objet de cette recherche. La fabrique du contrôle migratoire est envisagée comme un processus auquel prennent part, tout en étant déconnectés, tant les récepteurs que les concepteurs. Ces derniers exercent leur « agency » dans une relation de pouvoir asymétrique. Dans cette perspective, je proposerai le concept de « gouvernementalité » transnationale à partir de l'étude de la construction des migrations subsahariennes à Malte comme problème européen, de l'enfermement des migrants sur l'île et des politiques de relocalisation et de réinstallation. Je montre que la « gouvernementalité » transnationale des migrations repose en partie sur l'exercice de la violence. Si l'enfermement systématique à l'arrivée peut être prolongé jusqu'à 18 mois, les migrants sont néanmoins mobiles. A ce titre, ils constituent les véritables acteurs transnationaux de cette forme particulière de « gouvernementalité » / Due to the strengthening of the external borders of the European Union (EU), the islands of the Mediterranean became key sites of migration control policies. This doctoral research focuses on the case of Malta. Using governmentality studies as a theoretical framework, this dissertation asks the following questions: how have migrants become the object of governmental strategies following the accession of the island-state to the EU on 2004 and how have migrants reacted to them ? The literature on migration control tends to study either policy-makers or target population. In doing so, it reproduces the disconnection between those who govern and those who are governed. To the contrary, this disconnection is at the centre of my research. I consider migration control as a process involving both policy-makers and beneficiaries, even if they are disconnected. They are subjected to asymmetrical power relations in which they both exercise agency. Following this perspective, I use the concept of transnational governmentality to study how migrants in Malta are constructed as an EU problem, how they are detained on the island and become the object of relocation and resettlement policies. I demonstrate that transnational governmentality partly relies on the exercise of physical violence. Mandatory detention is implemented upon arrival and can last up to 18 months. Although migrants are presented as immobilised populations, they are actually mobile. As such, they are the real transnational actors of governmentality

La création de l’État d’Israël est imbriquée dans l’histoire de deux des plus grandes populations de réfugiés de l’époque : des juifs venus s’installer en Israël et des Palestiniens contraints de fuir le territoire. Pourtant, la centralité de ces deux figures a empêché la création de la catégorie de réfugié en Israël. Depuis les années 1970 et surtout depuis la seconde moitié des années 2000, des groupes et individus cherchant asile en Israël se confrontent à un dispositif qui évite de reconnaître des réfugiés. Ce dispositif a été institutionnalisé dans la dernière décennie sans pour autant résoudre le paradoxe d’une terre d’asile sans réfugiés. A partir d’un travail de recherche empirique fondé sur des entretiens avec des acteurs impliqués dans l’établissement du dispositif d’asile et sur une lecture critique de documents officiels, je retrace la socio-histoire de ce dispositif en analysant les modalités de catégorisation, le gouvernement des circulations et les redéploiements de la sphère institutionnelle. Le gouvernement des migrants en quête d’asile s’inscrit certes dans des processus globaux de restriction de l’asile et de diffusion de politiques antimigratoires. Mais il fait aussi partie d’une histoire nationale qui permet l’établissement d’un dispositif répressif ciblant majoritairement les Érythréens et les Soudanais, les qualifiant d’« infiltrés », à l’instar des Arabes qui s’introduisaient sur le territoire devenu israélien dans les années qui ont suivi l’établissement de l’État. Ce dispositif dit l’histoire non linéaire et la construction toujours en cours de l’État et des assemblages contemporains de souveraineté, nationalisme et néolibéralisme. / The establishment of the state of Israel is entangled in the stories of two of the largest populations of refugees of its time: Jews who immigrated to Israel and Palestinians forced to leave the same territory during the war. Yet, these two stories prevented the creation of a social and juridical category of refugee in that country. Since the late 1970 and more explicitly, since the mid-2000s, groups and individuals seeking refuge and claiming asylum in Israel encounter a system that avoids recognizing refugees. This system has been formalized and institutionalized during the last decade, keeping its profoundly paradoxical nature, characteristic of a refuge-state without refugees. Drawing on interviews with actors of the Israeli asylum system and on a critical reading of official documents, I outline the social history of the Israeli asylum system. My main argument is that in Israel, the question of governing migrants seeking refuge draws both on global processes of asylum restriction and anti-immigration policies and technologies, and on a long national history, a history of inclusionary and exclusionary dynamics that accompany the creation of the Israeli state. This history resurfaces with the establishment of a repressive system targeting migrants seeking refuge, mostly Eritrean and Sudanese, as “infiltrators”, a term created in order to exclude Arabs who entered the territory of the newly founded state in its first years and to prevent the return of Palestinian refugees. In that sense, studying the Israeli asylum system reveals the non-linear and continuous statecraft, and the contemporary assemblages of sovereignty, nationalism and neo-liberalism.

An increasing number of Swedish children have access to connected media devices and as the European Union General Data Protection Regulation will soon be implemented, on May 25th, 2018, it creates new options for parents. The GDPR suggests that parents will have greater freedoms to manage children’s data. However, this thesis questions that notion with governmentality theory and investigate how these choices will be met by the parents. Previous research propose that media literacy is the ability to access, evaluate and create messages that better reflect citizens’ realities, carrying hopes of democratisation. The accounts of five Swedish families portray an absence of adequate media literacy competencies to manage children’s online safety, regarding commercial data processing. Not only revealing difficulties in complying with the GDPR, but also that media literacy competencies alone would not make the families interviewed more engaged in changing habits regarding their privacy. Indicating that the parents equated GDPR to obsolete choices, where partial or full opt-out would cause a greater menace than the commodification of children’s data.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study is part of the Research Field in Special Education of the Post Graduation Program in Education. It has as guiding issue to understand how the inclusive educational policies have been investing in conducting strategies of the deaf students‟ conduction in the inclusive school. Such enterprise of research follows a post structuralist approach by using the Foucauldian studies, more specifically the concept of governmentality as a central tool of the study. I approach specifically the school inclusion of a deaf student who attends the second year of Elementary School in the school Arroio Grande. I elected two groups of materials which I think were satisfactory to answer to the essential problematic of this study: the first group is composed of interviews conducted with the people involved with the inclusion process of the deaf student at school; the second is constituted by an analysis of the material Specialized Educational Assistance People with deafness. Throughout the thesis I present some discoveries of this research which are divided in three analytical categories: capture of bilingual education through the State, in this category I realize that AEE is constituted as a very strong discourse which refers to the strategies of effecting the inclusion, I would even say it appears in the discourses of MEC as assurance of school inclusion for students with disabilities. Another category named as: the visibility and consumption of Brazilian Sign Languages (Libras), I bring the discursive recurrences which indicated Libras as a tool of technical support to help in the deaf inclusion. For the third category, the normalization as a strategy of inclusion it was possible to notice how the strategies employed to effect the inclusion regulate, oversee and control, managing the risk, in a way that, in order to have the expected effect with the strategies, it is necessary that everyone can occupy the same space, considering that for the educational inclusion, the best environment is the school. / Este estudo insere-se na Linha de Pesquisa de Educação Especial do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação. Tem como questão norteadora entender como as políticas educacionais inclusivas vem investindo em estratégias de condução das condutas de alunos surdos na escola inclusiva . Tal empreendimento de pesquisa segue uma abordagem pós-estruturalista, fazendo uso dos estudos foucaultianos, mais especificamente do conceito de governamentalidade como ferramenta central do estudo. Abordo especificamente a inclusão escolar de uma aluna surda que frequenta o segundo ano do ensino fundamental na escola Arroio Grande. Elegi dois grupos de matérias, os quais penso que deram conta nesse, primeiro momento, de responder a problemática central desse estudo, quais sejam: primeiro grupo: entrevistas realizadas com as pessoas envolvidas com o processo de inclusão dessa aluna surda na escola. Segundo grupo: se constitui por uma análise do material do Atendimento Educacional Especializado-Pessoa com surdez. No decorrer da dissertação apresento alguns achados dessa pesquisa, divididos em três categorias analíticas quais sejam: captura da educação bilíngue pelo Estado, nessa categoria percebo que o AEE se constitui como um discurso muito forte no que tange às estratégias de se efetivar a inclusão, eu diria até que ele aparece nos discursos do MEC como garantia de inclusão escolar para alunos deficientes. Outra categoria nomeada como: A visibilidade e consumo da Língua Brasileira de Sinais (Libras) trago as recorrências discursivas apontaram para a Libras como uma ferramenta de suporte técnico para dar conta da inclusão dos surdos. A terceira categoria, a normalização como estratégia da inclusão, foi possível perceber o quanto as estratégias empregadas para efetivar a inclusão regulam, vigiam e controlam, gerenciando o risco, de modo que, para essas estratégias terem o efeito desejado, é necessário que todos ocupem o mesmo espaço, sendo que, para a inclusão educacional, o melhor espaço para que essas estratégias de efetivem é o escolar.

Le 23 octobre 2000 le Parlement européen a adopté la Directive Cadre européenne sur l’Eau (2000/60/CE), directive qui règlemente pour l’ensemble des États membres de l'Union européenne la protection globale de la ressource en eau. La DCE repose sur l’articulation étroite de trois principes généraux chargés d’organiser la gestion de l’eau des États-membres. Le premier principe est une exigence de résultats exprimée par l’obligation d’atteindre « le bon état écologique » des eaux à l’échéance de 2015, 2022 et 2027. Le second principe affiché par la DCE est la prise en compte explicite des enjeux économiques par une internalisation des coûts visant, – selon le principe pollueur-payeur – à faire assumer la charge financière des dégradations de l’eau par les usagers qui en sont jugés responsables. Le troisième principe de la DCE est celui d’une participation des parties prenantes à la définition des politiques de l’eau, exprimé par l’obligation de consultation du public. Prévue dans l’article 14 de la DCE, cette consultation vise à ce que les Programmes De Mesures (PDM) de chaque bassin hydrographique soient systématiquement soumis aux observations du public à diverses étapes de l’élaboration et de l’évaluation des résultats. La prise à témoin du public dans la politique de l’eau est interprétée à la fois comme réponse politique à la défiance des citoyens vis-à-vis autorités politiques (en particulier européennes) permettant de renforcer la réactivité des gouvernants, et également comme une composante de la nouvelle gestion publique visant à substituer à la régulation étatique classique des règles gestionnaires d’arbitrage entre les différentes parties-prenantes des enjeux environnementaux. Le dispositif de recherche sociologique s’appuie sur plusieurs niveaux d’analyse : un examen comparé des déclinaisons nationales de la transposition de la DCE en France et aux Pays-Bas, analysées en termes de configurations institutionnelles, et une recherche portant sur la conception, le déroulement et les effets produits par la consultation – appréhendée comme un instrument d’action publique – telle qu’elle s’est déroulée, entre 2004 et 2009. / The European Parliament adopted in 2000 the European Water Framework Directive (2000/60/WFD), directive which regulates for all Member States of the European Union the overall protection of water resources. The WFD is based on the close linkage of three general principles responsible for organizing the water management of the Member States. The first principle is a demand for results expressed by the requirement to achieve "good ecological status" of waters in the 2015, 2022 and 2027. The second principle displayed by the WFD is the explicit consideration of economic issues in cost internalization - according to the polluter pays principle - to assume the financial burden of degradation of water users who are deemed responsible. The third principle of the WFD refers to a stakeholder participation in the definition of water policy, as expressed by the requirement for public consultation. Provided for in the Article 14 of the WFD, we assume public consultation is to ensure that the programs of measures for each watershed are routinely shown to public comment at various stages of development and evaluation of results. To witness the taking of public, in water policy, is interpreted both as a political response to the distrust of citizens vis-à-vis the political authorities (particularly European) to enhance the responsiveness of governments, and also as a component of "mind management" to substitute for state regulation of arbitration rules managers between different stakeholders on environmental issues. The device of sociological research is based on several levels of analysis: a comparison of the national and local concerning the WFD transposition in France and the Netherlands, and a research on the design, the conduct and the effects produced by public consultation, seased as policy tools, between 2004 and 2009.

I den här är fallstudien har vi valt att undersöka hur två organisationer som arbetar med klimatomställning använder storytelling. Den ena organisationen, EU, har drivit projektet Leader sedan 1990-talet, den andra är Svenska Naturskyddsföreningen som 2013 skapade en julkalender för sin hemsida. I studien undersöks sambandet mellan organisationernas bild av engagemang och berättelsernas struktur. Studien utgår från två teoretiska perspektiv Governmentality och narrativ teori. Sökningen av berättelserna har skett genom ett målstyrt urval och två kvalitativa metoder har tillämpats: text- och narrationsanalys.

Wir freuen uns, mit "Medienwelten – Zeitschrift für Medienpädagogik" eine neue medienpädagogische Zeitschrift präsentieren zu können, die eine weitere Publikationsmöglichkeit auf einem bislang engen Publikationsfeld schafft.