<p>In this research paper I have interpreted and analysed how it is possible for a Radical Right Populist Party such as FPÖ (The Freedom Party) to obtain electoral success in the end of the last millennium. In 1999 they were elected into the national legislative parliament with 26.9% of the votes and participated in the Shüssel government from February 2000. I believe this is an extreme case study and my method is the so called Disciplined-configurative case study. I’ve conducted this study by using earlier published research and than dividing these old theories into to three analytical categories. By doing this I hopefully came closer to understand the problem with FPÖ: s electoral success in a better way than before. The interpretation of the data was enabled by a structural theory-method and my findings were that the FPÖ used the rapid and macro-societal changes in an effective way by mobilising a great share of some strata that to some extent were of a cross-class nature in the Austrian electorate 1999. This was possible as a consequence of bad management by the conventional political parties (SPÖ, ÖVP) and their party-functionaries. Other findings were that the electorate system is crucial for the success of Radical Right Populist Partiers such as FPÖ and that the Austrian party system was a match with its low threshold for parliamentary representation and its proportional electoral system.</p><p>Key words: Radical Right Populist Parties, FPÖ, Austrian domestic politics</p>

The aim of this paper is to investigate the internal and external supply in relation to citizens’ demand for radical populist parties. To explore how the Sweden Democrats between 2010 and 2018 has developed its party organisation and how this has changed over time. The essay is based on the theory of Cas Mudde which claims demand and supply as a reason and understanding for the increasing growth of radical right parties in Western democracies. The theory divides Sweden Democrats into three different aspects; demand, internal and external supply which explain the stability and increased support for the party. Socio-economic factors such as unemployment, education and level of immigration are significant explanation factors for radical right parties to establish on long term. However, the essay concludes that the internal aspects of the party organisation, in relation to lack of trust for the traditional parties and low party identification, are crucial explanations. The importance of these factors have gradually increased during the years 2010-2018, while the level of significance for socioeconomic factors have decreased.

The aim of this paper is to investigate what influences the degree of sympathy for the Sweden Democrats in between 2007-2015 and how this has changed over time. The essay is based on two different theories, one of which claims that the Sweden Democrats' sympathizers are ”losers of modernisation”, where the socio-economic factors are the most important explanation factor for explaining their sympathy for the Sweden Democrats. The second theory highlights instead that the Sweden Democrats' sympathizers focus on issues and party leaders, so their preferences in these areas are the most important explanatory factors for their sympathy for the Sweden Democrats. This essay is based on regression analyzes that utilize data from Super-Riks-SOM, which is collected by the SOM-Institute in Gothenburg. The essay concludes that the issues and the party leadership are the most important factors explaining  to the degree of sympathy for the Sweden Democrats in 2007-2015, and that the importance of these factors have gradually increased during these years while the importance of socio-economic factors have decreased.

Syftet med den här kvalitativa innehållsanalysen har varit att undersöka hur ett högerpopulistiskt nyhetsmedie kontra ett traditionellt nyhetsmedie gestaltar knivdådet på Ikea i Västerås samt skolattacken i Trollhättan som skedde med kort mellanrum hösten 2015. De båda dåden fick stor uppmärksamhet och den redan intensiva debatten om invandring blossade upp ytterligare. Detta på grund av att dådet i Västerås begicks av en asylsökande, och det i Trollhättan av en ung svensk man med högerextrema åsikter som valde sina offer utifrån deras etniska ursprung.Det teoretiska ramverket innehåller tidigare forskning om alternativmedier, populism och journalistik. Vi har valt att använda oss utav två betydande teorier inom medieforskningen. Först gestaltningsteorin, främst med Scheufele och Entmans forskning som utgångspunkter. Sedan diskurs, med forskning av Foucalt och Fairclough. Valet av metod till vår studie är kritisk diskursanalys. Detta för att metoden lämpar sig väl för att undersöka politiska budskap i texter och tyda gestaltningar och diskurser. Det studerade materialet består utav fyra stycken nyhetsartiklar, två för respektive nyhetshändelse. Två stycken artiklar från den högerpopulistiska nättidningen Fria Tider samt två stycken från den mer etablerade morgontidningen Dagens Nyheter. Dessa jämförde vi sedan med varandra i en komparativ studie. Diskurser i dessa nyhetsartiklar har brutits ut med hjälp av ett analysschema för att operationalisera vårfrågeställning. Resultaten visar på två helt skilda nyhetsdiskurser och olika sätt att gestalta händelserna. Fria Tider gestaltar händelser till förmån för sin invandringskritiska agenda medans Dagens Nyheter agerar som en slags motpol med en betydligt mer objektiv gestaltning av händelserna. Den här studien vill bidra till förståelsen för vårt polariserade medieklimat, samt den oberoende journalistikens viktiga roll i samhället i en tid av nedskärningar och mediekonvergens. Det behövs en öppnare samhällsdebatt om frågor gällande invandring och kriminalitet för att inte ytterligare öka polariseringen av medielandskapet. / The purpose with this essay is to study how a right-wing populist alternative news medium, versus a more mainstream news medium, reports on two different news events. First off is the stabbings at the furniture store Ikea in Västerås, second is the attack on students at a middle school in Trollhättan by a masked adolescent armed with a sword. Both of which took place in the fall of 2015 in Sweden. Both events gained much attention from the news media, and sparked the already intense political debate on immigration issues. This due to the facts that the perpetrator at Ikea in Västerås was a refugee seeking asylum in Sweden, and the masked assailent in Trollhättan showed interest in right-wing extremist content on the internet as well as targeting students and faculty of immigration background.The theoretical framework consists of earlier research on populism, alternative media as well ason traditional journalism. We chose to work mainly with two distinguished theories within media and communication studies. The first theory is framing, based mainly on research done by Scheufele and Entman. The second theory is discourse, as defined by Foucalt and Fairclough. The method used for the study is a critical discourse analysis. This method together with the twotheories have been proven useful when studying political discourses and framing in political news articles similar to the ones we picked for our essay. The material used for this study consists off our news articles of which two are linked to each news event or “case”. Two of the articles are published by Fria Tider, a right-wing populist alternative news medium, while the other two by Dagens Nyheter, a well established and more mainstream oriented morning news paper. Different frames and discourses have been revealed in the material after our analysis, based on our schematics in an attempt to operationalise.The results points towards two widely different news discourses and ways of framing the news content. Fria Tider portrait the events in favour of their agenda of critical views on immigration and immigrants, whereas Dagens Nyheter acts as a counterpart with far more objective framing of the events. This study seeks to build a better understanding of today’s polarised media landscape, as well as the importance of independent journalism and news media in a society where the mass media experience cutbacks and convergence. A more explicit and honest public debate regarding immigrational issues is needed, to avoid further polarisation of the media landscape.

In this research paper I have interpreted and analysed how it is possible for a Radical Right Populist Party such as FPÖ (The Freedom Party) to obtain electoral success in the end of the last millennium. In 1999 they were elected into the national legislative parliament with 26.9% of the votes and participated in the Shüssel government from February 2000. I believe this is an extreme case study and my method is the so called Disciplined-configurative case study. I’ve conducted this study by using earlier published research and than dividing these old theories into to three analytical categories. By doing this I hopefully came closer to understand the problem with FPÖ: s electoral success in a better way than before. The interpretation of the data was enabled by a structural theory-method and my findings were that the FPÖ used the rapid and macro-societal changes in an effective way by mobilising a great share of some strata that to some extent were of a cross-class nature in the Austrian electorate 1999. This was possible as a consequence of bad management by the conventional political parties (SPÖ, ÖVP) and their party-functionaries. Other findings were that the electorate system is crucial for the success of Radical Right Populist Partiers such as FPÖ and that the Austrian party system was a match with its low threshold for parliamentary representation and its proportional electoral system. Key words: Radical Right Populist Parties, FPÖ, Austrian domestic politics

Allt sedan Sverigedemokraternas intåg i riksdagen 2010 har det politiska klimatet tillika det politiska landskapet i Sverige kraftigt påverkats och förändrats. Sverigedemokraterna betraktas av vissa som ett rasistiskt och högerpopulistiskt parti, som lyckats förankrat sig hos arbetarklassen. För varje riksdagsval har stödet för Sverigedemokraterna bland arbetarklassväljarna ökat, vilket resulterat i att arbetarrörelsens ställning i svensk politik försvagats. För arbetarrörelsen som b l a utgörs av Landsorganisationen (LO) och Socialdemokraterna har denna försvagning skapat ett ideologiskt skavsår. Denna uppsats ämnar undersöka LO-förbundens förhållningssätt gentemot det ökade stöd för Sverigedemokraterna som finns bland förbundens medlemmar. För att besvara forskningsfrågan har fem samtalsintervjuer med förtroendevalda representanter från fyra av LO:s förbund genomförts. Resultatet visar att en förklaring till att medlemmar röstar på Sverigedemokraterna beror på att förbunden misslyckats med att berätta för medlemmarna om deras grundläggande värden, ideologi och den svenska modellen. Vidare framkommer att det råder en viss okunskap bland förbundens medlemmar om hur samhället fungerar. För att motverka att stödet för Sverigedemokraterna fortsätter öka är förbundens främsta strategier utbildningsinsatser samt att påvisa att Sverigedemokraternas politik missgynnar LO:s medlemmar. Denna uppsats pekar på hur viktigt det är att ständigt föra diskussioner om värderingar, ideologier och arbetsvillkor för vilken samhällsutveckling vi vill ha.

The autumn 2015 represented a critical juncture for Swedish migration politics. Prime Minister Löfven’s government tightened immigration policies in accordance with proposals made since long by the radical right wing party the Sweden Democrats (SD). But did the critical juncture and the following migration policies involve new political strategies against SD, and how have the mainstream parties’ leaders’ perspective on immigration been affected? The analysis is based on systemic functional grammar and scholarly literature concerning perspectives on immigration. Policy proposals, party leaders’ perspectives on immigration and party leaders’ positioning in immigration-related television debates from 2014 and 2017 are compared. The results confirm previous research showing that there was a strong convergence amongst mainstream parties 2014, in migration politics as well as in positioning against SD. In 2017, the migration issue has split up into more detailed issues like family reunification, temporary residence permits and differentiated welfare. The utility perspective on immigration was salient in 2014. In 2017, two new central perspectives on immigration were constructed: the strain perspective and the reversed rights perspective. The study suggests that immigration-related issues has gone from being a forum for distance making between mainstream parties and SD, to be like any other issue – a forum for the usual political dynamics between governing parties and opposition.