My thesis examines the function and development of the cult of saints in Coptic Egypt. For this purpose I focus primarily on the material provided by the texts forming the Coptic hagiographical tradition of the early Christian martyr Philotheus of Antioch, and more specifically - the Martyrdom of St Philotheus of Antioch (Pierpont Morgan M583). This Martyrdom is a reflection of a once flourishing cult which is attested in Egypt by rich textual and material evidence. This text enjoyed great popularity not only in Egypt, but also in other countries of the Christian East, since his dossier includes texts in Coptic, Georgian, Ethiopic, and Arabic. This thesis examines the literary and historical background of the Martyrdom of Philotheus and similar hagiographical texts. It also explores the goals and concerns of the authors and editors of Coptic martyr passions and their intended audience. I am arguing that these texts were produced in order to perform multiple functions: to justify and promote the cult of a particular saint, as an educational tool, and as an important structural element of liturgical celebrations in honour of the saint. Another aim of this work is to stress the entertainment value of such texts. I explore the sources used by Coptic hagiographers for creating such entertaining stories, as well as the methods they used to re-work certain theological concepts and make them more accessible to the audience. The thesis begins with description of the manuscript tradition of Philotheus and a brief outline and comparison of its main versions. The second chapter discusses the place of the Martyrdom of Philotheus in Coptic hagiography and its connection to the so-called cycles. The next two chapters explore the motifs and topoi characteristic of Coptic martyr passions, especially the legend of Diocletian the Persecutor and the image of Antioch as the Holy City in Coptic hagiography, as these two motifs appear in one way or another in the majority of the martyr passions. Chapter 5 is dedicated to one of the focal points in the Martyrdom - the miracle of resurrection and the tour of hell – and its literary and theological background. Chapter 6 discusses representations of magic and paganism in Coptic hagiography and some of the concerns of Coptic hagiographers. In the last chapter I explore the geography of the cult, its iconographic and hymnographic dimensions and the transformation of the perception of the saint; the second part of this chapter discusses the questions of performance, authorship and audience.

<p>Проблем аутобиографије и аутобиографског текста у српској књижевности средњег века комплексан је и у науци недовољно истражен. Иако интересовање за аутобиографске текстове старе српске књижевности није ново, досадашња бављења овом темом имала су за циљ само да прикупе и делимично опишу те текстове, без покушаја њиховог систематског сагледавања и тумачења у контексту српске и византијске књижевне традиције, а готово увек без одговарајуће теоријске аргументације.<br />Дефинишући аутобиографију, савремене теорије у први план стављају појмове идентитета, индивидуалности и субјективитета. Ови појмови, међутим, захтевају темељно преиспитивање када је реч о средњем веку, који није познавао индивидуалност у данашњем смислу речи. Штавише, средњи век суочава нас са индивидуумом који се плаши своје оригиналности, који се боји да буде ,,он сам&ldquo;.<br />Отуда је, према средњовековном погледу на свет, писац само ,,инструмент&ldquo;, продужена рука Бога; он је стваралац који ће све добро, тачно и истинито приписати дејству Духа, а своје ауторство признати једино у одступањима и погрешкама. Топос скромности којим средњовековни писци себе одређују као &ldquo;грешне&ldquo;, &ldquo;недовољне&ldquo;, &ldquo;недостојне&ldquo;, &ldquo;последње од свих&ldquo;, којим признају своје незнање и неспособност да пишу о одређеној теми, конституисао се најпре као израз монашке смерности, да би се у ХIV и XV веку ово опште место задржало као обична &ldquo;декорација књижевног карактера&ldquo;.<br />Ипак, иако је за човека средњег века оригиналност била грех таштине, то не значи да средњовековни уметници нису били способни да створе оригинална дела, нити да су књижевна дела настала у епохи средњег века лишена особености и креативног приступа. Упркос томе што средњовековни аутори нису тежили сопственом изразу, већ су следили традицију раније формирану у одговарајућем жанру, ипак можемо говорити о њиховом индивидуалном стилу. Индивидуалност уметника огледала се, углавном, у инвентивности с којом је писац приступао наслеђеним навикама и у оплемењивању традиционалних поступака.<br />Једна од основних претпоставки нашег истраживања била је да у епохи средњег века социјални идентитет готово у потпуности потискује лични идентитет, те да је средњовековни човек био сведен на функцију коју је имао у друштву, односно, да се право на писање аутобиографије у средњем веку заснива на темељу социјално признате важности. Прихватили смо, при том, мишљење већине изучавалаца да је за средњовековље најприкладнији појам ,,културне фигуре&ldquo;, којим су означени тзв. идеални типови људске егзистенције, а који се, између осталог, исказују у језику књижевности и писмености оног времена.<br />Имајући у виду чињеницу да поетиком средњовековне књижевности доминира начело жанра, а не начело ауторства, те да је управо жанр најзначајнији фактор који одређује шта ће писац рећи о себи и о свом животу, трагали смо за аутобиографским фрагментима у повељама, посланицама, записима и натписима, и житијима из XIV века.<br />Будући да је основна карактеристика средњовековне аутобиографске књижевности фрагментарност (подаци које аутор оставља о себи расути су у текстовима различитих жанрова) један од основних циљева нашег истраживања био је да се утврди каква је веза аутобиографског фрагмента с главним текстом. Такође, као својеврстан аутобиографски поступак, а у складу с поетичким начелима средњовековне књижевности, анализирали смо сваку иновативну и оригиналну употребу општих места и библијских цитата, указујући на широке могућности увођења оригиналног садржаја у задате обрасце.<br />У научној литератури посвећеној делима српске средњовековне књижевности појединим текстовима 14. века приписан је атрибут ,,аутобиографског дела&ldquo;, док су неки чак означени као ,,праве аутобиографије&ldquo; (нпр. Улијарска повеља приписана краљу Милутину и Реч Душанова уз Законик). У неким случајевима, међутим, такво атрибуирање је потпуно неоправдано, па смо у раду покушали ревалоризовати уврежена мишљења.<br />Коначно, један од циљева нашег истраживања био је да установимо шта је основна функција аутобиографских фрагмената у делима српске средњовековне књижевности: чување од заборава, оживљавање прошлости, или, пак, пишчево представљање сопственог религиозног и духовног развоја? У сваком случају, на примеру српских списа XIV века показује се да се аутобиографски принцип не мора схватити искључиво као принцип самоисказивања, већ и као одраз духа епохе у објективном сведочанству појединца.</p> / <p>Problem autobiografije i autobiografskog teksta u srpskoj književnosti srednjeg veka kompleksan je i u nauci nedovoljno istražen. Iako interesovanje za autobiografske tekstove stare srpske književnosti nije novo, dosadašnja bavljenja ovom temom imala su za cilj samo da prikupe i delimično opišu te tekstove, bez pokušaja njihovog sistematskog sagledavanja i tumačenja u kontekstu srpske i vizantijske književne tradicije, a gotovo uvek bez odgovarajuće teorijske argumentacije.<br />Definišući autobiografiju, savremene teorije u prvi plan stavljaju pojmove identiteta, individualnosti i subjektiviteta. Ovi pojmovi, međutim, zahtevaju temeljno preispitivanje kada je reč o srednjem veku, koji nije poznavao individualnost u današnjem smislu reči. Štaviše, srednji vek suočava nas sa individuumom koji se plaši svoje originalnosti, koji se boji da bude ,,on sam&ldquo;.<br />Otuda je, prema srednjovekovnom pogledu na svet, pisac samo ,,instrument&ldquo;, produžena ruka Boga; on je stvaralac koji će sve dobro, tačno i istinito pripisati dejstvu Duha, a svoje autorstvo priznati jedino u odstupanjima i pogreškama. Topos skromnosti kojim srednjovekovni pisci sebe određuju kao &ldquo;grešne&ldquo;, &ldquo;nedovoljne&ldquo;, &ldquo;nedostojne&ldquo;, &ldquo;poslednje od svih&ldquo;, kojim priznaju svoje neznanje i nesposobnost da pišu o određenoj temi, konstituisao se najpre kao izraz monaške smernosti, da bi se u HIV i XV veku ovo opšte mesto zadržalo kao obična &ldquo;dekoracija književnog karaktera&ldquo;.<br />Ipak, iako je za čoveka srednjeg veka originalnost bila greh taštine, to ne znači da srednjovekovni umetnici nisu bili sposobni da stvore originalna dela, niti da su književna dela nastala u epohi srednjeg veka lišena osobenosti i kreativnog pristupa. Uprkos tome što srednjovekovni autori nisu težili sopstvenom izrazu, već su sledili tradiciju ranije formiranu u odgovarajućem žanru, ipak možemo govoriti o njihovom individualnom stilu. Individualnost umetnika ogledala se, uglavnom, u inventivnosti s kojom je pisac pristupao nasleđenim navikama i u oplemenjivanju tradicionalnih postupaka.<br />Jedna od osnovnih pretpostavki našeg istraživanja bila je da u epohi srednjeg veka socijalni identitet gotovo u potpunosti potiskuje lični identitet, te da je srednjovekovni čovek bio sveden na funkciju koju je imao u društvu, odnosno, da se pravo na pisanje autobiografije u srednjem veku zasniva na temelju socijalno priznate važnosti. Prihvatili smo, pri tom, mišljenje većine izučavalaca da je za srednjovekovlje najprikladniji pojam ,,kulturne figure&ldquo;, kojim su označeni tzv. idealni tipovi ljudske egzistencije, a koji se, između ostalog, iskazuju u jeziku književnosti i pismenosti onog vremena.<br />Imajući u vidu činjenicu da poetikom srednjovekovne književnosti dominira načelo žanra, a ne načelo autorstva, te da je upravo žanr najznačajniji faktor koji određuje šta će pisac reći o sebi i o svom životu, tragali smo za autobiografskim fragmentima u poveljama, poslanicama, zapisima i natpisima, i žitijima iz XIV veka.<br />Budući da je osnovna karakteristika srednjovekovne autobiografske književnosti fragmentarnost (podaci koje autor ostavlja o sebi rasuti su u tekstovima različitih žanrova) jedan od osnovnih ciljeva našeg istraživanja bio je da se utvrdi kakva je veza autobiografskog fragmenta s glavnim tekstom. Takođe, kao svojevrstan autobiografski postupak, a u skladu s poetičkim načelima srednjovekovne književnosti, analizirali smo svaku inovativnu i originalnu upotrebu opštih mesta i biblijskih citata, ukazujući na široke mogućnosti uvođenja originalnog sadržaja u zadate obrasce.<br />U naučnoj literaturi posvećenoj delima srpske srednjovekovne književnosti pojedinim tekstovima 14. veka pripisan je atribut ,,autobiografskog dela&ldquo;, dok su neki čak označeni kao ,,prave autobiografije&ldquo; (npr. Ulijarska povelja pripisana kralju Milutinu i Reč Dušanova uz Zakonik). U nekim slučajevima, međutim, takvo atribuiranje je potpuno neopravdano, pa smo u radu pokušali revalorizovati uvrežena mišljenja.<br />Konačno, jedan od ciljeva našeg istraživanja bio je da ustanovimo šta je osnovna funkcija autobiografskih fragmenata u delima srpske srednjovekovne književnosti: čuvanje od zaborava, oživljavanje prošlosti, ili, pak, piščevo predstavljanje sopstvenog religioznog i duhovnog razvoja? U svakom slučaju, na primeru srpskih spisa XIV veka pokazuje se da se autobiografski princip ne mora shvatiti isključivo kao princip samoiskazivanja, već i kao odraz duha epohe u objektivnom svedočanstvu pojedinca.</p> / <p>The problem of autobiographies and autobiographical texts in the medieval Serbian literature is complex and has not been researched enough scientifically. Although the interest in autobiographical texts in the old Serbian literature is not new, prior dealings with this topic only aimed at collecting and partly describing those texts, without attempting to systematically consider and interpret them in the context of Serbian and Byzantine literary tradition. What&rsquo;s more, they almost always lack appropriate theoretical argumentation.<br />In their definition of autobiography, contemporary theories emphasize the notions of identity, individuality and subjectivity. However, these notions require a thorough reconsideration in relation to the Middle Ages, when individuality was not recognized in today&#39;s sense of the word. Moreover, the Middle Ages present us with the individual afraid of their originality, afraid of being &ldquo;themselves&rdquo;.<br />Thus, according to the medieval view of the world, the writer is just an &ldquo;instrument&rdquo; &ndash; God&rsquo;s extended arm; he is the creator who will ascribe everything good, correct and true to the act of the Holy Spirit. On the other hand, he will be recognized as the author only in alterations and mistakes. Medieval writers use the topos of modesty to define themselves as &ldquo;sinful&rdquo;, &ldquo;inadequate&rdquo;, &ldquo;unworthy&rdquo;, &ldquo;last of all&rdquo;, and to admit their ignorance and incompetence to write about a specific topic. At first, the topos was constituted as an expression of monastic meekness, but in the 14th and 15th century this commonplace remained as an ordinary &ldquo;decoration of literary nature&rdquo;.</p><p>However, even with individuality being the sin of vanity for the medieval person, it means neither that medieval artists were incapable of creating original works nor that the literary works from the Middle Ages lack any distinctiveness and creative approach. Although medieval authors did not aspire to their own expression but followed earlier established traditions in corresponding genres, their individual style can still be a matter of discussion. The individuality of an artist was reflected mainly in his inventiveness which he used to approach inherited habits and in the refinement of traditional devices.<br />One of the basic assumptions of this research was that the social identity almost completely suppresses the personal identity in the Middle Ages, and that the medieval person was reduced to the function they had in the society, that is, that the right to write an autobiography in the Middle Ages was based on socially recognized importance. In addition, the proposition of most researchers that &ldquo;cultural figures&rdquo; is the most appropriate term for the medieval period is acknowledged in the research. This term signifies ideal types of human existence, which are, among other aspects, expressed in the language of literature and literacy of this era.<br />Bearing in mind the fact that the poetics of medieval literature is dominated by the principle of genre rather than the principle of authorship and that the genre is the crucial factor when determining what the writer is going to say about himself and his life, the research focused on autobiographical fragments in charters, epistles, inscriptions and epitaphs, and hagiographies from the 14th century.</p><p>Since fragmentariness is the central feature of medieval autobiographical literature (the facts which author leaves about himself are scattered in texts belonging to different genres), one of the primary aims of this research is to establish the quality of the connection between autobiographical fragments and the main text. In addition, every innovative and original use of topoi and biblical quotations has been analyzed as a particular autobiographical device in accordance with the poetical principles of medieval literature, highlighting a range of possibilities for the introduction of original contents into the given patterns.<br />In the scholarly researches dedicated to the works of medieval Serbian literature, certain texts from the 14th century have been described as &ldquo;autobiographical works&rdquo; while some have even been designated as &ldquo;real autobiographies&rdquo; (e.g., Ulijarska Charter ascribed to King Milutin and Dusan&rsquo;s Reč uz Zakonik). However, in some cases, such attribution is completely unjustified so this research has tried to revalue prevailing opinions.<br />Finally, one of the aims of this research is to establish the basic function of autobiographical fragments in medieval Serbian literature and see if they were used to preserve memory, resurrect the past or allow the writer to present his own religious and spiritual development? In every case, taking the Serbian writings from 14th century as examples, it is shown that the autobiographical principle does not have to be understood only as the principle of self-expression, but as the reflection of the spirit of an era in an individual&rsquo;s objective testimony.</p>

This thesis investigates the relations between romance and texts of religious instruction in England between c.1170–c.1330, taking as its principal textual corpus the exceptionally rich literary traditions of insular French romance and religious writing that subsist during this period. It argues that romance is a mode which engages closely with religious and ethical questions from a very early stage, and demonstrates the discourses of opposition in which both kinds of text participate throughout the period. The thesis offers substantial readings of a number of neglected insular French religious texts of the thirteenth century, including Robert Grosseteste's Chasteau d'Amour, John of Howden's Rossignos, and Robert of Gretham's Miroir, alongside new readings of romances such as Gui de Warewic and Ipomedon. This juxtaposition of romance narrative and religious instruction sheds new light onto both kinds of text: romance emerges as a mode with deep-rooted didactic qualities; insular French religious literature is shown to be intensely concerned with the need to compete with romance’s entertaining appeal in literary culture. This oppositional discourse profoundly affects the form of instructional writing and romance alike. The discussion of the interactions between insular French romance and instructional literature presented here also serves as a new pre-history of Middle English romance. The final chapter of the thesis offers several new readings of texts from the Auchinleck manuscript, including the canonical romance Sir Orfeo and the neglected, puzzling Speculum Gy de Warewyk. These readings demonstrate that fourteenthcentury romance intelligently adapts the material it inherits from Francophone literature to a new cultural situation. In these acts of reformation, Middle English romance reveals itself as a discursive space capable of accommodating a wide range of ethical and ideological affiliations; the complex negotiations between romance and instructional literature in the preceding centuries are an important cultural condition for this widening of possibilities.

Cette thèse porte sur un corpus hagiographique de vingt-sept textes latins d’Afrique du Nord, daté du IIe au VIe siècle. Ce corpus n’avait jamais fait l’objet d’une synthèse depuis les travaux de P. Monceaux au début du XXe siècle. Dans une première partie, tous les textes latins ont été réunis, accompagnés d’une traduction personnelle et d’un apparat des sources exhaustif : plusieurs ont fait l’objet d’une nouvelle édition critique, et un nouveau texte, la recension longue de la Passion de Marciana, a ainsi été découvert. Ce corpus fait ensuite l’objet d’une étude historique. Les deux premières parties étudient ces textes comme témoignages de la christianisation de l’Afrique, vue à travers l’étude du phénomène complexe des persécutions et du martyre. La troisième partie illustre les multiples potentialités du discours hagiographique, qui concourt à faire du martyr un nouveau héros chrétien, héritier du héros païen et du thème judéo-hellénistique du Juste souffrant. La dernière aborde le corpus comme témoignage de la culture littéraire des élites africaines et apporte une contribution à l’histoire culturelle de l’Afrique du Nord et à celle de la circulation des idées et des oeuvres. Elle traite aussi de manière nouvelle la question de l’africitas, selon les méthodes du LASLA de l’Université de Liège auxquelles j’ai voulu soumettre trois passions de Maurétanie Césarienne. / This thesis focuses on a corpus of twenty-seven hagiographic texts from Roman North Africa, dated from the second to the sixth century. None synthesis on this corpus had been made since P. Monceaux’s work in the early twentieth century. In the first part, all the latin texts were collected, together with a translation and an exhaustive research of the sources : for many ofthem I gave a new critical edition, and a new text, the long recension of the Passion of Marciana, has been discovered. This corpus is then studied from an historical point of view. The first two sections examine these texts as evidence of the christianization of Africa, through the study of the complex phenomenon of persecutions and martyrdom. The third partillustrates the multiple potentialities of hagiographic discourse, which tends to make a new Christian hero, combination of pagan hero and of the theme of Judeo-Hellenistic Just suffering. The latter addresses the corpus as evidence of the literary culture of African elites and contributes to the cultural history of North Africa and of the circulation of ideas and works. It also discusses the question of the africitas, according to the methods of the LASLA of the University of Liège, methods applied to three passions of Caesarean Mauretania.

La présente étude s’inscrit dans le débat à propos d’une éventuelle « mutation féodale » autour de l’an mil. Il s’agit d’étudier l’aristocratie laïque durant les Xe et XIe siècles, en prêtant une égale attention aux ressorts matériels et idéologiques de sa domination sociale. La signification des transformations que connaît alors l’écriture diplomatique étant au cœur de la controverse, le choix a été fait de partir des sources hagiographiques originaires des abbayes d’Aurillac, Conques et Figeac. Mais le discours hagiographique présente ses propres biais. Afin de s’en prémunir au mieux, on a confronté autant que possible les affirmations des sources hagiographiques aux informations disponibles grâce à d’autres types de documents. La démonstration procède en deux étapes. En recourant aux méthodes de l’hagiologie, la première partie permet de contextualiser la production hagiographique et de s’interroger sur les conditions de sa réception : on s’aperçoit que si les textes latins sont d’abord destinés à être lus par des clercs, de multiples canaux de diffusion orale permettaient aux hagiographes de s’adresser également aux laïcs, en particulier à l’aristocratie. La seconde partie étudie l’évolution de la domination aristocratique à travers ce que permet d’en percevoir l’hagiographie. Elle montre qu’un certain nombre de transformations ont eu lieu dès le début du Xe siècle et permettent de parler d’une « mutation de l’an 900 » : l’émergence de la chevalerie, la mise en place de la féodalité, la montée en puissance des sires, l’importance des châteaux et des milites sont autant de phénomènes qui datent de cette époque. Toutefois, l’an mil connaît deux ajustements non négligeables : le redéploiement de l’identité aristocratique autour des châteaux et le passage d’une conception cognatique de la parenté noble à une autre d’avantage agnatique. / The present study falls within the scope of the debate about a possible “feudal mutation” around the year 1000. It is concerned with the study of lay aristocracy during the 10th and 11th centuries, by giving equal attention to ideological and material aspects of its social domination. Because the meaning of the transformations that affect diplomatic writing then is in the heart of the matter, we make the choice to work from the hagiographic narratives from the abbeys of Aurillac, Conques and Figeac. But there are also biases in the hagiographic discourse. In order to counterbalance their influence, we have compared as much as possible the data from hagiographic texts with the information available thanks to other types of documents. The demonstration is organized in two steps. Using the methods of hagiology, the first part contextualizes hagiographic production and questions the conditions of its reception: we are led to realize that, if the Latin texts are primaraly intented to be read by clerics, multiple oral channels allowed hagiographers to address also the laity, especially the aristocracy. The second part examines the evolution of aristocratic domination through what can be perceived in the hagiography. It shows that some transformations took place as early as the beginning of the 10th century and that we can therefore speak of “a mutation of the year 900”: the ermergence of chivalry, the establishment of feudalism, the rise of the lords, the importance of castles and milites are phenomena which date from this time. Howewer, there are two significant adjustments around the year 1000: aristocratic identity refocuses on castles and the the noble kinship moves from a cognatic conception to another more agnatic.

Les liens entre le saint, son disciple ou son compagnon s’observent dans l’iconographie par la mise en scène d’une relation privilégiée. Fondée sur l’analyse d’un corpus d’œuvres produites entre le XIe et la fin du XVe siècle, majoritairement en France et en Italie, l’étude a la volonté de déterminer comment se sont exprimés les liens dans la filiation et la parenté spirituelle, construite autour d’une relation unissant les saints (grands saints de la chrétienté comme ceux honorés localement), à leurs disciples ou compagnons privilégiés. Depuis la naissance de la relation jusqu’à son aboutissement, elle détermine les fonctions respectives des personnages à la lumière de leur élection, de leurs actions et de leurs comportements. L’analyse s’interroge également sur la finalité du « discipulat » ou du compagnonnage et sur la représentation de la dimension affective entre les personnages. Rappelant le modèle christique et apostolique, la représentation de la relation est un thème distinct, dont l’analyse révèle l’importance d’un genre de parenté spirituelle souvent oublié. / The links between the saint, his disciple or his companion can be observed in the iconography by the representation of a privileged relation. Based on the analysis of a corpus of works produced between the 11th and the end of the 15th century, mainly produced in France and Italy, the study will determine how the links in the filiation and the spiritual relationship (built on a relation uniting Major saints of the Christendom, as to those honored locally, to their privileged disciples or companions) were expressed. Since the origin of the relation until outcome, the analysis determines the respective functions of the characters through the lens of their election, their actions and their behavior. The analysis also wonders about the purpose of the disciple-or companionship and about the representation of the emotional dimension between protagonists. Reminding the Christ and apostolic model, the representation of the relation is a different theme, which reveals the importance of a spiritual relationship often forgotten.

Orientador: Ruy de Oliveira Andrade Filho / Banca: Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães Taconi / Banca: Leila Rodrigues da Silva / Resumo: O nome Venantius Fortunatus é bem representado nas coleções bibliográficas, mas quase todos os trabalhos concentram se em sua produção poética. Assim, parecem-nos bastante esquecidos pela crítica os escritos hagiográficos em prosa desse autor. O presente estudo pretende sob um ângulo que nos sugere ainda insuficientemente considerado, devido ao vasto campo de estudos que permitem as referidas fontes documentais analisar a adaptação hagiográfica de uma idealizada identidade episcopal construída em favor dos bispos gauleses do último quarto do sexto século, que pretendiam utilizar as imagens dos santos predecessores que ocuparam as suas respectivas sés, para afirmarem e/ou construírem sua autoridade religiosa e política frente à sua comunidade de fiéis e às autoridades públicas do reino franco. / Abstract: Venantius Fortunatus is well represented in bibliographical collections, but most literature concentrates on his poetic production. As a consequence, little attention has been paid to his hagiographyc writings in prose. This work intends to analyse -even if it is from a still insufficiently developed perspective, due to the vast array of studies that these documental sources may prompt-- how Gaulish bishops' of the last quarter of the sixth century built an idealized Episcopal identity through the images of those saints who had previously occupied their respective cathedrals. This was done in order to build up and/or strengthen their religious and political authority before their community of faithful and the public authorities of the Frankish kingdom. / Mestre

Orientador: Ruy de Oliveira Andrade Filho / Banca: Ana Paula Tavares Magalhães / Banca: Terezinha Oliveira / Resumo: A partir de estudos sobre a criação e permanência do reino Visigodo na Hispânia, séculos V a VII, procuramos trabalhar com um curto período, final da segunda metade do século VI e a primeira do VII, com atenção dirigida em especial a dois objetos: a Religiosidade e a Monarquia. Como fonte principal da pesquisa, teremos nossa análise voltada à Hagiografia da Vida e Martírio de São Desidério escrita pelo monarca que governou a Hispânia dentre os anos de 612 a 621, o rei Sisebuto. Ver nesta fonte um testemunho das relações de poder político em sua imbricação com o sagrado, ou seja, com o cristianismo, pode-nos mostrar como Sisebuto utilizou-se da Vita mais para suas circunstâncias ideológicas e políticas, legitimando seu poder, do que para o santo mesmo, tornando-se este último, e sua santidade, mais um coadjuvante que um protagonista / Abstract: Starting from studies of the creation and permanence of the Visigothic kingdom in Hispania, centuries V-VII, we work with a short period, final of the second half of the VI century and the first half of VII century, with special attention to two objects: The Religiosity and the Monarchy. As the main source of the research we will have our analysis turned to Hagiography of the Life and Martyrdom of Saint Desiderius, wrote by the monarch that governed the Hispânia by the years of 612 to 621, king Sisebut. See in this source a testimony of the relationships of political power in its relation with the sacred (Christianity) can show us like Sisebut used the Vita more for his ideological and political circumstances, legitimating his power, for the life's saint properly, becoming this last one, and his sanctity, more a coactive that a protagonist / Mestre

La Vie de Porphyre de Gaza (BHG³ 1570) se présente comme un texte hagiographique de l’époque protobyzantine écrit par Marc le Diacre. Ce personnage se désigne lui-même comme le disciple du saint qui raconte la vie de son maître après sa mort en 420. Pourtant, à cause d’un emprunt à l’Histoire Philothée de Théodoret de Cyr, la Vie dans son état actuel est certainement postérieure à l’année 444 et ne peut pas provenir de la plume de Marc, qui n’est que le narrateur. Selon l’hypothèse des éditeurs Grégoire et Kugener, la Vie actuelle est le fruit du remaniement d’un texte plus ancien. Le texte nous offre un témoignage unique sur l’histoire du paganisme et du christianisme à Gaza à la fin du IVe et au début du Ve s. Ordonné évêque de Gaza en 395, Porphyre contribue activement à la christianisation de la ville, qui était alors majoritairement païenne. Le point culminant de son activité est la démolition du Marneion et la fondation sur ses débris de la « Grande Église » de Gaza. Cependant, outre les problèmes concernant l’identité de son auteur et sa datation, la Vie s’est trouvée dès l’époque de Tillemont au centre d’un grand débat concernant sa valeur historique, à cause des anachronismes qui ont été relevés. Dans le cadre de notre thèse, nous avons entrepris une nouvelle édition critique du texte, accompagnée d’une traduction française. La brève étude littéraire du texte est suivie par un commentaire historique guidé par le problème d’authenticité que pose la Vie. L’édition critique est précédée d’un examen de la tradition directe et indirecte du texte. Finalement, les notes de la traduction visent à faire ressortir sa valeur documentaire. / The Life of Porphyry of Gaza (BHG³ 1570) is a hagiographical text of the protobyzantine period written by Mark the Deacon. He introduces himself as the saint’s loyal disciple, who narrates his master’s life after his death in 420. However, due to the plagiarism of Theodoret of Cyrrhus’s Philotheos History, the current form of the Vita dates certainly later than 444 and cannot have been written by Mark, who is just the narrator. According to the hypothesis of the editors Grégoire and Kugener, the current form of the Vita is the result of the revision of an older text. The text provides us with a unique account of the history of paganism and christianism in Gaza at the end of the 4th and the beginnings of the 5th century. Appointed bishop of Gaza in 395, Porphyry contributes actively to the christianisation of the city, which was largely pagan. The peak of his activity is the demolition of the Marneion and the erection of the “Great Church” of Gaza on the site of the former temple. However, in addition to the problems concerning its authorship and its datation, the Vita was found in the centre of a great debate concerning its historical value since the time of Tillemont. In the frame of our PhD thesis, we undertook a new critical edition, accompanied by a french translation. The brief literary study of the text is followed by a historical commentary guided by the problem of the Vita’s authenticity. The critical edition is preceded by an examination of the direct and the indirect text tradition. Finally, the notes of the translation aim to reveal its documentary value.

This thesis undertakes a close study of a single manuscript of the early 1320s, written at the priory of Fineshade, Northamptonshire. The manuscript contains a short chronicle and several documents related to the failed baronial rebellion of 1321-22. I argue that, in collaboration with the priory’s patrons, the Engayne family, the chronicler responds to the current situation with an attempt to create meaning from a time of crisis. In the process, he attempts to shape his material through patterns of style and thought inherited from both chronicle and hagiographical traditions, to make the present conform to the known and understood shape of the past. His success is limited by his inability to establish sufficient distance from traumatic events, a difficulty that many chroniclers seemed to encounter when they attempted to turn current events into meaningful historical narrative.