Submitted by Felipe Lapenda (felipe.lapenda@ufpe.br) on 2015-03-13T14:58:18Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertaçao Gloria maria miranda de freitas.pdf: 1951287 bytes, checksum: 2b4e6e99738ffab321519f3f1d13ea8b (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-13T14:58:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertaçao Gloria maria miranda de freitas.pdf: 1951287 bytes, checksum: 2b4e6e99738ffab321519f3f1d13ea8b (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-15 / Este trabalho procura responder se a reforma do setor de segurança haitiano realizada pela Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH), através da reforma da Polícia Nacional Haitiana (PNH), diminuiu os índices de violência no país, resultando no provimento da segurança humana dos haitianos. Para alcançar esse objetivo o trabalho se divide em três capítulos. O primeiro é destinado à parte teórica, onde serão discutidos os estudos de segurança. Será tratado como esses estudos se desenvolveram de acordo com os acontecimentos internacionais, mostrando como o conceito de segurança humana surgiu no meio acadêmico. É destacado ainda a importância da reforma do setor de segurança para um país conturbado por conflito interno. O segundo capítulo inicia o estudo de caso do Haiti, mostrando as causas que levaram à uma intervenção da ONU, focando na realidade da PNH desde a sua criação até o ano em que a MINUSTAH iniciou suas atividades no território. No terceiro e último capítulo será possível responder a pergunta que motivou a pesquisa. Para tanto, serão utilizados documentos da ONU referentes à missão e alguns dados, tanto referentes aos índices de violência, como também do Índice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) do país. O recorte temporal da pesquisa é de 2004, início da missão, a 2012, período que os documentos da ONU estão disponíveis para análise, uma vez que a missão ainda está em vigência.

This dissertation develops a political ecology of suburban peasants to describe the lives of Haitian farmers residing in a neighborhood on the margins of Port-au-Prince. The category of suburban peasants has been well described for Chinese small-scale farmers but has yet to be applied elsewhere as an analytic category. Using participant observation, semi-structured interviews, and in-depth, key informant interviews, an ethnographic account is provided of changes in agricultural practices made by Haitian peasants as a result of environmental changes that impact their ability to make a living in contemporary Haiti. Farmers’ primary concerns are related to an increased need for agrochemicals because of declining soil fertility, but increased fertilizer prices make this a significant barrier to their economic activities. In addition, the influx of non-Haitians into the neighborhood has resulted in less available land to farm. In many cases worldwide, these two challenges have led to out-migration patterns, either within-country rural-urban migration or to another country altogether. Yet, in the study site this is not happening. The changes in agricultural practices that the Dounet peasants have made, like changing to wage-based labor and occupational multiplicity, have also created greater poverty, in which they are more vulnerable to the risks associated with environmental change while at the same time rendered immobile in the face of future extreme environmental events. This study uses the suburban peasant concept to explore how environmental changes simultaneously intersect with urbanization processes like the enclosure of land and changes in rural land use.

This dissertation is an attempt to use the radical political economy approach, which assumes that there is a connection between a state’s strategic interests and the interests of dominant multinational corporations (MNCs) located within a state’s territory, to explain continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. Employing the qualitative method of "process-tracing," my study concludes that the radical political economy approach has an explanatory power when it comes to understanding continuity in the USAID development agenda and lending patterns during the past 30 years of development aid to Haiti. The evidence shows that USAID has implemented in Haiti, from the 1980s through the post-9/11 Washington Consensus period, neoliberal policies that conform to the political economy of US multinational corporations (US MNCs). Contrary to the claim that the USAID-sponsored post-earthquake development paradigm has departed from previous development strategies, the study has shown that USAID has used the occurrence of the January 2010 earthquake tragedy to accelerate in Haiti the implementation of a neoliberal agenda congenial to the business promotion of multinational investors, particularly US multinational corporations. In terms of the way ahead, the study argues for the implementation of a new development approach articulated by a legitimate Haitian state and primarily intended to promote the socioeconomic development of the poorest Haitians.

This research examines the life pathways of 1.5 and second generation Haitian immigrants in South Florida. The purpose of the research is to better understand how integration occurs for the children of Haitian immigrants as they transition from adolescence to adulthood. Building upon a prior study of second-generation immigrant adolescents between 1995 and 2000, a sub-set of the original participants was located to participate in this follow-up research. Qualitative interviews were conducted as well as in-depth ethnographic research, including participant observation. Survey instruments used with other second-generation populations were also administered, enabling comparisons with the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (CILS). The results indicate that educational and occupational achievements were markedly below the participants’ original expectations as adolescents. Gender figures prominently in participants’ familial roles and relationships, with men and women distinctly incorporating both Haitian and American cultural practices within their households. Contrary to previous research, these results on the identification of participants suggest that these young adults claim attachment to both Haiti and to the United States. The unique longitudinal and ethnographic nature of this study contributes to the ongoing discussion of the integration of the children of immigrants by demonstrating significant variation from the prior integration trends observed with Haitian adolescents. The results cast doubt on existing theory on the children of immigrants for explaining the trajectory of Haitian-American integration patterns. Specifically, this research indicates that Haitians are not downwardly mobile and integrating as African Americans. They have higher education and economic standing than their parents and are continuing their education well into their thirties. The respondents have multiple identities in which they increasingly express identification with Haiti, but in some contexts are also developing racialized identifications with African Americans and others of the African diaspora.

Orientadores: Joice Melo Vieira, Roberta Guimarães Peres / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T13:58:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Baptiste_ChandelineJean_M.pdf: 1426107 bytes, checksum: d3c3f40ae07497754c3bbbc1c57af6cd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: A transição para a vida adulta é um momento importante para se entender o curso de vida dos indivíduos. Atualmente independentemente do nível de desenvolvimento da sociedade, esse processo de transição vem passando por várias mudanças. No que diz respeito à juventude e à transição para a vida adulta, a migração pode, por um lado, ser incorporada como uma das opções desejáveis e possíveis para se tornar adulto. Por outro lado, também pode levar ao adiamento de certos eventos na vida do sujeito. O principal objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a transição para a vida adulta dos jovens migrantes haitianos que vieram para o Brasil após o terremoto de janeiro 2010, e se encontravam na cidade de São Paulo no momento da entrevista. Busca-se entender se a migração desempenha ou não um papel no processo de transição deles. Para realizar essa investigação, opta-se pela metodologia qualitativa. Foram realizadas 20 entrevistas semiestruturadas. Essa técnica permite explorar a trajetória de vida retrospectiva dos jovens e possíveis conexões entre o processo migratório e a transição para a vida adulta / Abstract: The transition to adulthood is very important moment for understanding the individual life course. In fact, regardless of the development level of society, this process is suffering many different changes. With respect to youth and the transitional process, migration can be both: a way to achieve adulthood and to postpone some events in individual trajectory. The main aim of this work is to analyze that transitory period in the lives of young Haitian migrants who arrived in Brazil after the 2010 earthquake, especially in the city of São Paulo. The research tries to understand the relation between international migration and transition to adulthood. The method used was qualitative. It was realized twenty semi-structured interview for to reconstruct the retrospective trajectory of the young migrants / Mestrado / Demografia / Mestra em Demografia

Please note: creative writing theses are permanently embargoed in OpenBU. No public access is forecasted for these. To request private access, please click on the locked Download file link and fill out the appropriate web form. / Poetry / 2031-01-01

Haitians as an ethnic group face many problems while trying to acculturate in Boston. This pilot study was conducted in an attempt to identify the major source of their problems in achieving cultural integration. The data was analyzed via descriptive statistics: frequency distributions and cross-tabulations. The central problem identified was the lack of a transitional vehicle which would make easier the adaption from a monocultural to a bicultural society. Proposal for such a transitional vehicle was made, in addition to a set of guidelines. These were developed to facilitate the task of mental health caregivers dealing with Haitian clients.

No description available.

OBJECTIVES: We conducted a mixed methods study of delayed access to emergency obstetrical care among preeclamptic and non-preeclamptic women in Port au Prince, Haiti, grounded in the Three Delays model of Thaddeus and Maine. The primary objectives were to identify factors affecting delays in accessing care and clinical consequences of delays. METHODS: 524 surveys were administered to women admitted to the Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) obstetric emergency hospital. Survey questions addressed demographic, clinical, and behavioral risk factors; first (at home), second (transport) and third (health facility) delays; and clinical outcomes for women and infants. Bivariate statistics were used to assess relationships between preeclampsia status and delay, and between risk factors and delay. Twenty-six survey participants with lengthy delays (> 6 hours) were chosen for interviews, which elicited details about delays women experienced. Data were analyzed using a grounded theory approach. RESULTS: We found long delays to accessing care for preeclamptic women (median 5.0 hours, IQR 10.5, vs. 4.0 hours, IQR 5.0, for non-preeclamptic women, p<0.01), primarily due to delays at home before leaving for the hospital (median 2.6 hours, IQR 10.6). No demographic, clinical, or behavioral factors were related to access to care. Women's health prior to pregnancy was not associated with delays, with the exception of preeclamptic women who had previously seen a doctor, who had significantly longer delays than women who had not previously seen a doctor (22.8 hours versus 11.2 hours, p=0.02). Long delays for both preeclamptic and non-preeclamptic women were not associated with poorer clinical outcomes. Although the MSF hospital is free of charge, financial barriers at other hospitals limited access to emergency obstetric care for many women, who commonly experienced non-evidence-based care, including inappropriate education from antenatal care providers when diagnosed with hypertension or preeclampsia. CONCLUSIONS: Pregnant women with preeclampsia in Port au Prince reported significant delays in accessing emergency obstetric care. Many delays stemmed from poor quality antenatal care services, which fail to screen, treat, or educate women appropriately. Improvements should be made in education and supervision for antenatal care providers, and in accessibility of emergency services at public hospitals in Port au Prince.

[In 1804 Haiti became independent and has experienced since a troubled political life, which has seen the state and the churches. Catholic and Protestant, interact according to their mutual interests. Since the American Occupation (1915-1934) up to the mideighties, the state has carefully orchestrated the manipulation of the church’ to further its own objectives. Ultimately, the Catholic Church will contribute to topple President-for- Life Jean Claude Duvalier (1971-1986) with a belated but insignificant support from the Protestant churches. I want to propose that in the twentieth century the church allowed itself to be domesticated because it was mainly looking for institutional survival as defined by the foreign parent groups. The Haitian Catholic Church, influenced by the Holy See, was subservient to the state because it was in its interest to do so. In the 1980s, facing the competition and success of Protestant groups, and as directed by the Holy See, the Catholic Church, concerned for its survival, denounced the abuses of the government and heavily contributed to the overthrow of Jean Claude Duvalier. The Protestant churches caved in to the state because its theology and finances were derived from conservative British and American groups and also because remaining quiet guaranteed is survival as a conversionistic group. Using a sociological model, the Political Process Model, I will conclude that the Catholic Church became the motivating force and social movement behind the overthrow of Duvalier because it took advantage of political opportunities, shared an insurgent consciousness, developed organizational strength while the Protestant churches were severely handicapped by a lack of insurgent consciousness and organizational strength.]