A critical investigation of the public/private distinction as it has been conceived in Anglo-American political thinking in the second half of the 20th century. A broadly held consensus has developed amongst many theorists that public/private does not refer to any single determinate distinction or relationship but rather to an often ambiguous range of related but analytically distinct conceptual oppositions. The argument of this thesis is that if we approach public/private in the search for analytic or conceptual clarity then this consensus is correct. Against this I propose that a number of the most dominant invocations of the distinction can be understood to express public/private as an irreducibly political dialectic that mediates the relationship between the subjective and objective side of social and political life. By locating these conceptually diverse invocations within a broader and more determinate framework of the historical development and contestation of the boundaries which establish the conditions for subjectivity, as the assertion of political agency, on the one hand, and which demarcate, police and defend these particular boundaries, as part of the objectively given character of social life and institutional organisation, on the other hand, then a more determinate character to public/private can be recognized. I then seek to explore the capacity of this model to capture and explain the peculiar post-war problematisation of public/private amongst a number of new left thinkers in Britain and America.

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This thesis explores solo performance in New Zealand. That solo performance has been widely used in New Zealand's relatively brief theatre history is usually ascribed to the economy, manoeuvrability and adaptability of the form - common reasons for the popularity of solo performance elsewhere as well. But this thesis considers solo performance as a kind of theatre that has been suited to New Zealand in a distinctive way. In particular, I argue that solo performance has emerged on the margins of mainstream theatre in New Zealand as a means of actively engaging with a sense of isolation that typifies the post-colonial New Zealand experience. The ability of the solo performance to move between remote rural settlements and urban centres has connected these New Zealand communities in a way that is unusual for theatre in New Zealand. Furthermore, a solo performer speaking directly to an audience about the experience of living in New Zealand allows for an intimate interaction with a traditionally stoic and laconic masculine society. In this thesis, I make a case for three solo performances where it is possible to see, in the representation of a search for what it means to be a New Zealander, a theatrical contribution to nation-building: The End of the Golden Weather (1959), Coaltown Blues (1984) and Michael James Manaia (1991). However, in a subsequent chapter, I look at solo performances in New Zealand that might better be understood within global movements such as feminism and multiculturalism. I argue that this shift has depleted the power that the form once held to comment upon New Zealand identity and to assist in the search for national identity. I conclude the thesis by considering how ongoing theatre practice may be informed by the experience of solo performance in New Zealand.

The purpose of this study is to examine why the media has a more negative attitude towards lobbyism in 2014 compared to earlier years since the 1970s in Sweden. This study examines first if a change of attitude has occurred between the given years and whether the attitude is more positive, negative or neutral towards lobbyism in recent years compared to earlier years and lastly if the media are comparing different contexts in which lobbying takes place. The method of this study is based on quantitative content analysis, and on Kanol’s ideas that by implementing theories from different disciplines one can develop theories on comparative lobbying in order to increase and improve our knowledge on the phenomenon of lobbyism as the contemporary research on the subject are scars and underdeveloped. The material in this study are news articles that have been collected between 1970 to 2000 and every second year from 2000 up until 2014. This study also provides a comprehensive picture of the Swedish context in which lobbying takes place by gathering information from multiple sources and earlier studies as this information has as of yet not been gathered in a single study up until now. The conclusion is that there has been a change of attitude towards lobbyism in Sweden, however, the dominant attitude is not a negative but rather a more skeptical/cynical one which has increased since 1992. The term lobbying is controversial because it’s being mentioned in various topics that could be considered negative by the reader as the decision making whether the news article is negative or positive is subjective. Because the media has increased its negative news reporting overall and that the unconscious mind of the reader is also attracted to negative news reporting, the term lobbying can be considered “negative” overall as it is constantly being mentioned in negative contexts even when the article is not about lobbying. A reasonable explanation why the media has a more negative / skeptical attitude to lobbyism is because of previous scandals related to lobbying either in Sweden or outside the country's border, but also because the media can’t hold the elected officials responsible for their actions as transparency and accountability is absent. Because of the increased reporting in Sweden on lobbying from all over the world, the subject will most likely become more relevant on the Swedish political agenda.

Nairobi compte près de 200 bidonvilles où vit 70% de sa population. La plupart des habitants manquent de sécurité foncière et subissent des menaces constantes d'expulsion forcée. Pourtant, nous en savons encore très peu sur la façon dont ces établissements se forment, se développent et se consolident dans des espaces urbains contestés et comment leurs habitants s'adaptent aux conditions d'incertitude. Une partie de la raison réside dans l'écart entre les théories de design et d'adaptation. Alors que la théorie du design se concentre principalement sur les processus cognitifs des professionnels (en négligeant les mécanismes d'adaptation adoptés par les habitants des bidonvilles), les transformations spatiales dans les taudis sont souvent abordées par la théorie de la résilience qui, de son côté, ne tient pas compte des processus de design. Quel est le rôle du design dans les processus d'adaptation liés à des espaces urbains contestés? Je réponds à cette question en explorant les relations entre le design et les capacités d'adaptation dans le Toi Market, le deuxième plus grand marché informel de Nairobi. J'étudie les régimes fonciers du marché et les pratiques de design des commerçants au moyen d’une étude de cas combinant des enquêtes longitudinales et transversales. Le parcours de recherche est abductif. Le cadre conceptuel de la recherche est basé sur une revue de la littérature sur le régime foncier et la théorie du design. Les concepts de rationalité limitée, d'incertitude et de mécanismes adaptatifs constituent la base du cadre théorique utilisé pour analyser les données empiriques. La méthodologie comprend l’observation participante, 59 entrevues avec les commerçants, des rencontres avec les leaders du marché, des techniques de cartographie et l'analyse de plus de 80 documents pertinents sur le marché. Les résultats montrent que le Toi Market a trois types de conditions foncières controversées et que les commerçants mènent des activités de design à trois niveaux: le design de développement, le design évolutif et le design de consolidation. Le design de développement consiste en des initiatives collectives d'adaptation suscitées par des mécanismes de survie. Ce type de design émerge en réaction aux interventions urbaines ordinaires. Il renforce le capital social et vise à améliorer la fonctionnalité du marché. Le design évolutif est mené par des sous-groupes communautaires en réponse aux principaux événements et aux forces externes. Il conduit à des changements sociaux et morphologiques à l’échelle urbaine et dépend des mécanismes de gouvernance et de contrôle. Le design de consolidation fait référence à des initiatives adaptatives dirigées par des individus et des groupes et menées en période de relative stabilité. Il renforce le développement économique et les réseaux, et cherche à atteindre la sécurité foncière. Il émerge principalement dans des niches vacantes, car les habitants des bidonvilles profitent des espaces vides et sous-utilisés. Ces trois niveaux de design génèrent ce que j'appelle ici les établissements multiniveaux. J’oppose ce concept à celui de « quartiers informels », un concept qui ne représente pas la façon dont les bidonvilles et les marchés fonctionnent et évoluent. Je rejette donc la dichotomie formelle/informelle qui persiste dans la littérature. La notion d’habitat multiniveaux reconnaît l'influence d’alliances changeantes et de multiples niveaux de gouvernance comme faisant partie intégrale des processus de design. Dans ces habitats, le design émerge comme un connecteur de capacités adaptatives. Les concepts d’habitats multiniveaux, de niche vacante et de design en tant que connecteur de capacités adaptatives peuvent aider des intervenants à développer des initiatives d’amélioration des bidonvilles qui répondent à l'approche de design adoptée par les habitants de bidonvilles. Ces initiatives peuvent reconnaître la présence d'alliances multiples qui parfois entravent – et d'autres qui favorisent – le changement désiré. Les pratiques de design communautaire peuvent également être adaptées pour équilibrer les objectifs collectifs et individuels. En comprenant ces concepts, les décideurs peuvent à la fois optimiser l'espace disponible en fonction des pratiques locales et prévoir la façon dont les modèles apparaîtront dans les espaces prévus. Enfin, j'encourage les chercheurs à explorer davantage la pensée et la pratique de design des habitants de bidonvilles et de les inclure dans la théorie du design. / Nairobi has nearly 200 slums where 70% of its population live. Most slum dwellers lack tenure security and suffer the constant threat of eviction. Yet, we still know very little about how these slums form, grow, and consolidate in contested urban spaces, and how their residents adapt to uncertainty. Part of the reason lies in the gap between design and adaptation theories. Whereas design theory focuses mainly on professionals’ cognitive processes (largely ignoring adaptation mechanisms adopted by slum dwellers), spatial transformations in slums are often addressed by resilience theory, which usually overlooks design processes. What is the role of design in adaptation processes in contested urban spaces? I answer this question by exploring the relationships between design and adaptive capacities in the Toi Market, the second largest informal market in Nairobi. I study the market’s tenure regimes and traders’ design practices through a case study that combines longitudinal and cross-section investigation. The research reasoning is abductive, made of iterative paths between conceptual frameworks and empirical results. It is largely based on a literature review on land tenure and design theory. The concepts of bounded rationality, uncertainty, and adaptive mechanisms constitute the basis of the theoretical framework used to analyse the empirical data. Methods include participant observation, 59 interviews with traders, meetings with market leaders, mapping techniques and the analysis of over 80 pertinent documents about the market. Results show that the Toi Market has three types of controversial tenure regimes and traders conduct design at three levels: development design, evolutionary design, and consolidation design. Development design consists of collective adaptive initiatives prompted by survival mechanisms. It strengthens social capital, emerges in reaction to ordinary urban interventions, and seeks to improve functionality. Evolutionary design is conducted by community sub-groups in response to major external forces and events. It leads to social and morphological changes at the urban scale and depends on governance and control mechanisms. Consolidation design refers to individual and group-led adaptive initiatives conducted during times of relative stability. It reinforces economic development and networks and seeks to achieve land tenure security. It emerges mainly in vacant niches, as slum-dwellers take advantage of empty, underused spaces. These three levels of design generate what I call here Multi-Level Settlements. I oppose this concept to “informal settlements” that fails to represent how slums and markets work and evolve. I thus reject the formal/informal dichotomy that persists in literature. The Multi-level concept recognises shifting alliances and multiple levels of governance as integral part of design processes. In it, design emerges as a connector of adaptive capacities. The concepts of Multi-Level Settlements, Vacant Niche and Design as a connector of adaptive capacities can help developing slum upgrading initiatives that meet the design approach naturally adopted by slum-dwellers. These initiatives can therefore acknowledge the presence of multiple alliances, which sometimes hinder—and others, foster—desired change. Community design practices can also be tailored to balance collective and individual objectives. By understanding these concepts, decision-makers can both optimize available space according to local practices and forecast how patterns will emerge in planned spaces. Finally, I encourage scholars and practitioners to further explore slum-dwellers’ design-thinking and practices to include them in mainstream design theory.

This paper interweaves narrativized readings and experiential narratives as personal and cultural resources for counterhegemonic cultural critique within our historical context of globalization and ecological crisis. Framed by perspectives on epistemology, everyday life, and place, these reflections seek to engage and revitalize our notions of community, creativity, and the individual, towards visioning the human art of community as a counternarrative to globalization. Such a task involves confronting the meanings we have come to ascribe to work and economy which so deeply determine our social fabric. Encountering the thought of key 19th and 20th century social theorists ranging from William Morris, Gregory Bateson, and Raymond Williams, to Murray Bookchin, Martin Buber, and Wendell Berry, these reflections mark the indivisible web of culture in the face of our insistent divisions, and further, iterate our innate creativity as the source for a vital, sustainable culture that might reflect, in Bateson’s terms, the pattern that connects.