Le moins qu’on puisse dire est que l’Iran depuis la prise de pouvoir par les Ayatollahs en 1979 est un pays qui intéresse les hebdomadaires français et plus généralement les journalistes de notre pays. Une approche quantitative des articles consacrés à ce pays le prouve aisément. Mais il est particulièrement intéressant de constater que chacun des hebdomadaires français étudiés apporte une vision assez spécifique de ce qui caractérise l’Iran d’aujourd’hui. Toutefois, si la plupart des hebdomadaires sont d’accord pour reconnaître la complexité du problème iranien et de la société perse, "Valeurs Actuelles" par exemple va stigmatiser la barbarie du régime en place alors que"Courrier International", à l’inverse, va s’efforcer d’offrir un kaléidoscope d’opinions souvent contradictoires sur cette république islamique. De même, "Le Point" insiste sur la dangerosité de l’Iran d’aujourd’hui alors que "L’Express" met surtout l’accent sur les problèmes de nucléaire. "Marianne" pour sa part offre une étude équilibrée des problèmes tant internes qu’externes de l’Iran des Ayatollahs. En réalité, on peut constater un consensus des journalistes français spécialistes du monde persan sur le fait qu’en matière de politique intérieure, l’Iran ne cesse d’osciller entre démocratie et totalitarisme alors même que le pays semble avoir fait de la possession de l’arme nucléaire le futur point d’ancrage de sa politique extérieure à l’échelle internationale et de la sous-région. / The least we can say is that Iran since the seizure of power by the Ayatollahs in 1979 is a country that interests French weekly magazines and journalists. A quantitative approach of the articles concerning this country proves this assertion easily. But it is particularly interesting to note that each of the French weekly magazines provides a fairly specific approach that characterizes today's Iran. Nevertheless most French magazines recognize the complexity of the problems of Iran and Persian society. However, Valeurs Actuelles stigmatizes the barbaric regime while Courrier International, conversely provides a kaleidoscope of rather conflicting opinions on this Islamic republic. Similarly, Le Point emphasizes the danger of Iran today while L'Express focuses primarily on nuclear issues. Marianne on the other hand offers a balanced study of both internal and external problems of this country ruled by Ayatollahs. In reality, there may be a consensus among French journalists who are specialists of the Persian world due to the fact that concerning its domestic policy Iran continues to oscillate between democracy and totalitarianism even though the country seems to consider the possession of nuclear weapons as the future anchor of its foreign policy and sub-regional diplomatic role.

This study aims to identify tactics used by the Turkish Hezbollah to recruit college students into joining their terrorist organization. This study based on the assumptions that social networks and institutional structures are two main tools that are used effectively by the Turkish Hezbollah to recruit college educated students. In this sense, the researcher claims that Social Learning theory and Social Control Theories can be used to provide theoretical explanation to the Hezbollah’s recruitment strategy. Parallel to these theories assumptions, while having militants within social networks increases the likelihood of being recruited through social learning theory assumptions, college students who are away from their families are more likely to be recruited through social control theory assumptions. The researcher uses individual level secondary data related to members of the Turkish Hezbollah. The data comprised of self reports that each member submitted to the Turkish Hezbollah as part of their recruitment process. The data are derived from the Turkish National Police’s database. Initially, frequency table is used to determine which structure and which theory best explain the Turkish Hezbollah’s recruitment strategies. Then, to decide which demographic factors increase or decrease the likelihood of being recruited through social networks (social learning theory) or institutional structures (social control theory), logistic regression is used. Eight independent variables are used to identify those factors such as having Hezbollah militants within social networks, pursuing college education while being away from family, family’s religious ideology, having online or campus education, family size, income level, college student’s religiosity level, and reason for attending Hezbollah. The findings indicated that social networks and institutional structures are two important tools that are used by the Turkish Hezbollah. Social networks are more effectively used structures comparing to institutional structures. According to the results, there are two important variables have more weight on dependent variable comparing to other variables. While having militants within the social networks increases the likelihood of being recruited through social learning theory assumptions, being away from families during college education increases the likelihood of being recruited through social control theory assumptions.

La tesi analizza l'impatto di percorsi di reinterpretazione della tradizione religiosa sciita sul tessuto sociale e sulle forme di mobilitazione politica della comunità sciita libanese nel corso del ventesimo secolo. La creazione di un'identità sciita distinta viene studiata nel quadro della formazione di una "ideologia islamica" e nel contesto del consolidamento del modello istituzionale confessionalista libanese, prima nel periodo mandatario e poi dopo l'indipendenza, in un intreccio fluido di fattori transnazionali e locali e di meccanismi di identità e di alterità. Le pratiche rituali e i costrutti simbolici connessi alla commemorazione di Ashura sono, in particolare, il sito di una battaglia per la legittimazione e per la definizione dell'identità collettiva: l'interpretazione radicale di Ashura è usata per legittimare forme di dissenso e resistenza. L'impegno religioso espresso nello spazio pubblico dà vita a numerose forme associative e assistenziali che creano un sistema alternativo di offerta di servizi sociali, rafforzando i legami comunitari e sostenendo stili di vita e modelli di comportamento islamicamente corretti, in ciò che definiamo come la sfera pubblica islamica. Questo progetto di modernità alternativa comprende anche l’assimilazione selettiva di pratiche e modelli della globalizzazione e di forme di mercificazione. I discorsi e i documenti analizzati mostrano infine la formazione di una metanarrazione della resistenza, in cui, reinterpretando temi del paradigma di Karbala', la comunità sciita viene descritta come prima linea della resistenza contro la tirannia e l’oppressione, in una visione teleologica della storia. / This dissertation investigates the impact of patterns of reinvention and reinterpretation of Shi'a religious tradition on the social fabric and the politics of the Shi'a community of Lebanon during the twentieth century. We firstly explore the theorization of doctrines that discharge "Western"-oriented modernizing projects as the only legitimate patterns of development and governance for Muslim societies. This theoretical framework is conceived and conveyed mainly by a transnational Shi'i clerical milieu. We examine how a distinct Shi'a collective identity is formed, partly as a result of the formation of an "Islamic ideology", and partly as a collateral effect of the confessionalist system that is implemented in Lebanon during the Mandate and after the independence. We observe a fluid, complex interplay of transnational, domestic, and parochial factors, and how they shape mechanisms of identity and otherness. In particular, we analyze how the ritual practices and symbolic constructs related to the commemoration of Ashura and the battle of Karbala' become a site of ideological dispute for legitimacy and self-identity. In particular, we see how a radical reading of Ashura is used to legitimize forms of political dissent and resistance. We then explore how religious commitment and forms of public piety are related to social activism and the provision of multiple services through a vast network of charitable institutions. This alternative system of social welfare and assistance strengthens communal relations and pious lifestyles, envisaging a religiously-inspired society that we define as Islamic public sphere. We also question how this project of alternative modernity is shaped by a selective assimilation of practices and models marked by globalization and commodification, where scientific and technical development is accepted but a vast array of values and behaviors are discharged as un-Islamic. We finally examine the tropes of a metanarrative of resistance through a reading of major documents of Hezbollah and public speeches. We analyze a narrative construct where the Shi’a community, as part of the disinherited and the injustly oppressed of the world, is pitted – along the same lines of Ashura and the battle of Karbala' – against the forces of oppression and tyranny, in a teleological view of human history. We evaluate how this discourse is framed in the public sphere and how it is productive of symbolic capital and legitimacy at a political and social level.

I juli 2006 utbröt krig mellan Israel och Hizbollah i södra Libanon. Erfarenheterna från historien visade på att Israel borde kunna gå segrande ur kriget, men utgången blev en annan. Hizbollah nådde framgång och Israel misslyckades med sin militära kampanj trots övertag i luften och i militära resurser. För att förstå hur Hizbollah nådde framgång i kriget utifrån militärteoretiskt perspektiv så har denna uppsats till syfte att analysera det faktiska agerandet genom tre av krigföringens grundprinciper kraftsamling, överraskning, handlingsfrihet och doktrinen ”Hizbollahs 13 punkter för krigföring” genom krigföringens samtliga sju grundprinciper. Analysens resultat visar på att genom sitt agerande så uppnådde Hizbollah krigföringens grundprinciper kraftsamling, överraskning¸ handlingsfrihet och i sin doktrin finns samtliga sju av krigföringens grundprinciper representerade. Dessa visar att Hizbollahs framgång i kriget kan vara ett resultat av att de planerat och agerat efter krigföringens grundprinciper. / In July 2006, war broke out between Israel and Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. The experience showed that Israel should be able to emerge victorious from the war, but the outcome was different. Hezbollah achieved success and Israel failed in their military campaign despite superiority in the air and military resources. To understand how Hezbollah achieved success in the war on the basis of military theory perspective, this essay aims to analyze the actual conduct of warfare by three basic principles; concentration, surprise, flexibility. Hezbollah’s doctrine "Hezbollah's 13  principles of war" will be analyzed through all of the seven basic principles of war. Analysis results show that through their actions, Hezbollah used three of the principles of warfare and their doctrine contains all of the seven basic principles of warfare. These results suggest that Hezbollah's success in the war may be a result of the basic principles of warfare.

Hezbollahs success during the second Lebanon war in 2006 caused a great stirr through the field of military theorists and analysts. The organization was by most numericals clearly out-gunned and out-numbered compared to the combat-experienced Israel defense forces. The Lebanese forces however managed to not only stifle the Israeli offensive actions but held their ground through the 34 days long war resulting in a stalemate and a United Nations resolution. Theories have evolved from or in ways of explaining this puzzling case. Dual approaches have been identified as some theorize that hybrid warfare is a completely new phenomenon where others state it’s a flavor of the month expression for the same old tactics seen many times before. This study seeks to further explore the complex nature of irregular conflicts and find whether a new theory of hybrid warfare ’Unrestricted warfare’ or a senior compendium’On guerrilla warfare’ best can explain this.The findings of this study concludes that neither theory can be out-ruled and opens for further research within the the second Lebanon war as well as on the theories ’On guerrilla warfare’ and ’Unrestricted warfare’.

No description available.

The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how sectarian tensions can be harnessed, nourished and spread in Lebanon. It does so through a case study on the speech delivered by Hezbollah’s Secretary-General, Hassan Nasrallah, on 18 October 2021, where he accused the Christian party, and former militia, the Lebanese Forces for killing seven Shia Muslims in a protest four days earlier. More specifically, this thesis is a Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis with the aim to examine how we can understand the discourse on Christians and how that discourse is shaped through Nasrallah’s framing of himself, Hezbollah and the Lebanese Forces. With conspiracist elements, Nasrallah creates a dichotomy of us and them where them is the threat that also helps to define what is us. It is a highly polarizing speech, where he frames the Lebanese Forces as a political enemy and a threatful organization without morals that wants to sow division and create a civil war in Lebanon. In contrast, Nasrallah depicts Christians as part of a larger us that wants peace and stability. However, within the us, Christians are depicted as exposed, vulnerable and in need of protection which stands in contrast to Hezbollah that is immensely strong and can protect Christians. Meanwhile, he encourages and mobilizes Christians to act against the Lebanese Forces. Thus, despite a rhetoric about unity among Christians and Muslims, the main finding of this thesis is that Nasrallah seeks support from Christians by spurring sectarian tensions and sowing division within the Christian camp, with the goal to gain power.

Bibliography / Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research paper offers an analysis of new terrorism as a concept for analysis in Political Risk. In order to assess the novelty and value of new terrorism it is juxtaposed with old terrorism. This analysis uses a historical comparative method in which three terrorist groups, within two distinct historical periods, are discussed and compared. The first historical period is 1945-2000 and assesses old terrorism through a descriptive assessment of the Muslim Brotherhood and Hezbollah. The second historical period, 2001-2009, provides a descriptive assessment of al-Qaeda. The primary variables for analysis with regards to the terrorist groups selected herein are goals, targets and tactics. Also discussed is the secondary variable structure. A number of key findings indicate that there are more similarities than there are differences between old and new terrorism. The novelty and value of new terrorism is thus limited as a concept for analysis within Political Risk Analysis. The conclusion of this research paper establishes that for a normative conceptualisation of terrorism to exist, and have value, it must consider both old and new terrorism. This normative understanding of terrorism better serves the purpose of mitigation within the sphere of Political Risk Analysis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bied .n ontleding van nuwe terrorisme as .n begrip vir ontleding in Politieke Risiko. Ten einde die nuutheid en waarde van nuwe terrorisme te evalueer, word dit naas ou terrorisme gestel. Hierdie ontleding gebruik .n histories-vergelykende metode waarin drie terroristegroepe, in twee afsonderlike historiese tydperke, bespreek en vergelyk word. Die eerste historiese tydperk strek van 1945.2000 en evalueer ou terrorisme met behulp van .n beskrywende evaluering van die Moslem Broederskap en Hezbollah. Die tweede historiese tydperk, 2001.2009, bied .n beskrywende evaluering van al-Qaeda. Die primere veranderlikes vir ontleding met betrekking tot die terroristegroepe wat hierin aangewys is, is doelstellings, teikens en taktiek. Verder word die sekondere veranderlike struktuur bespreek. .n Aantal belangrike bevindinge dui daarop dat daar meer ooreenkomste as verskille tussen ou en nuwe terrorisme bestaan. Die nuutheid en waarde van nuwe terrorisme het dus beperkinge vir ontleding as .n begrip in Politieke Risiko-ontleding. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie dui dus daarop dat, vir .n normatiewe konseptualisering van terrorisme om te bestaan, en ook waarde te he, dit beide ou en nuwe terrorisme in berekening moet bring. Hierdie normatiewe begrip van terrorisme dien die doel van tempering binne die sfeer van Politieke Risiko-ontleding beter.

Terrorism is a historical problem; however, it becomes one of the biggest problems in 21st century. September 11 and the following Madrid, Istanbul and London attacks showed that it is the most significant problem threatening world peace and security. Governments have started to deal with terrorism by improving security measurements and making new investments to stop terrorism. Most of the governments' and scholars' focus is on immediate threats and causes of terrorism, instead of looking at long-term solutions such as root causes and underlying reasons of terrorism, and the recruitment style of terrorist organizations If terrorist recruitment does not stop, then it is safe to say terrorist activities cannot be stopped. This study focused on the recruitment process by observing two different terrorist organizations, DHKP/C and Turkish Hezbollah. The researcher brings 13 years of field experience and first-person data gathered from inside the terrorist organizations. The research questions of this study were: (i) How can an individual be prevented from joining or carrying out terrorist activities?; (ii) What factors are correlated with joining a terrorist organization?; (iii) What are the recruitment processes of the DHKP/C, PKK, and Turkish Hezbollah?; (iv) Is there any common process of being a member of these three terrorist organizations?; and (v) What are the similarities and differences these terrorist organizations? As a result of this analysis, a terrorist recruitment process map was created. With the help of this map, social organizations such as family and schools may be able to identify ways to prevent individuals from joining terrorist organizations. Also, this map will also be helpful for government organizations such as counterterrorism and intelligence to achieve the same goal.

This study examines the patterns of involvement in terrorist activities for the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party/Front (DHKP/C) and Turkish Hezbollah members. The study is based on the assumption that terrorists differ in terms of their involvement in terrorist activities. In this sense, there are full-time and part-time terrorists. Full-time terrorists act professionally and do the assignments given by their commanders. Part-time terrorists, on the other hand, act on a non-professional basis and have their own motivations to participate in terrorist activities. For part-timers, there are various factors that may have an effect on their degree of involvement in terrorist activities. Their decisions regarding whether to participate in a specific terrorist act can be influenced by individual factors as well as the instructions and assignments given to them. In this study, these factors are categorized under four different headings; demographic, relative deprivation, frustration, and social learning. Data regarding the involvement in terrorist activities (as measured by arrest records) and demographics (age, gender, marital status, social class), relative deprivation (education, work status), frustration (school dropout, loss of a loved one in a counter-terrorism operation, family arrest), and social learning (family association to a terrorist group and recruitment method) was collected from terrorists’ autobiographies. Research hypotheses were tested using bivariate and multivariate statistical analyses. The findings indicated that relative deprivation, frustration, and social learning models can explain the differences in the degree of involvement in terrorism for DHKP/C members, but not for Turkish Hezbollah members (controlling for demographic variables). The results showed that these three models may account for some of the differences in involvement in terrorist activities.