This study examined the perceptions of White men on whether they should or should not be treated with total equality and be included in affirmative action (AA) planning in the workplace. Previous studies explored the topic of discrimination toward white males and AA. Using Festinger's cognitive-dissonance theory and Adams's theory of equity, this study focused on research questions addressing basic knowledge of AA planning, perceived discrimination, dissonance, and, the perceptions of White men about AA planning. Using phenomenological methodology, data were collected from personal interviews, and analyzed by obtaining a sense of the phenomenon, categorizing the interviews into meaningful and smaller units, transforming the language to emphasize the phenomenon, and synthesizing the meaning into a consistent statement of the phenomenon structure. Results of the study suggested that very few of the White men knew much, if anything, about AA planning in the workplace, and even fewer perceived any type of discrimination associated with it. An overarching theme is that most also believe that AA is still necessary, for protected groups, and sometimes lower income white males, as a check and balance against discrimination that they still see occurring today. The results should assist organizations in understanding the perceptions of why White men do or do not believe they should be accounted for in AA planning, Implications for positive social change include better understanding of the evolving needs as the workforce demographic characteristics undergo changes and this could also potentially help reduce the number of discrimination lawsuits where white males are suing for equal rights in the workplace.

The purpose of this project is to develop a framework for quantifying and differentiating the effects of early historic land uses on characteristics of soils formed in loess at two historical archaeology sites in the Midwestern United States: New Philadelphia Historical Landmark (NPHL) in western Illinois and Plum Grove Historical Farmstead (PGHF) in eastern Iowa. The significance of this research to topics such as global climate change, the role of soils in the carbon and nitrogen cycles, the effects of land use on sustainable use of soils, and augmenting the historical record by revealing land use activities for areas that have limited record of past land use are presented in the Introduction. The Introduction also includes reviews of previous geochemical studies and studies of natural and anthropogenic effects on the physical and chemical properties of soils. Research efforts were conducted in three main phases and the results of each phase are presented as individual chapters herein. Phase one focuses on identifying physico-chemical signatures of land use effects on soils at NPHL and determining the minimal resolution required to discriminate these effects to develop a multi-prong methodological framework. Phase two is an exploration of the efficacy of using portable x-ray fluorescence to measure non-pollution level chemical impacts from land use activities in order to refine the methodological framework by targeting soil samples for more costly, higher precision analyses. Phase three is a test of the refined framework to examine land use effects on physico-chemical characteristics of soil at PGHF. In the Summary and Conclusions the physico-chemical results from NPHL and PGHF are compared and contrasted to evaluate the methodological framework and its utility for investigation of land use effects at other Midwestern locations. The final section discusses possible revisions to the approach and outlines opportunities for future investigations.

Theoretical and empirical evidence indicate a possibility that reading certain types of historical texts could improve different constructs of empathy that include theory of mind (ToM), empathic concern (EC), and historical perspective-taking (HPT).The objective of this study was to compare the effect of reading a collection of primary documents in comparison to a historical narrative on ToM, HPT, and EC for adolescents in an eighth-grade history class. Students were randomly assigned to read either a historical narrative or a collection of adapted historical documents with approximately the same length, and reading level. This researcher controlled for student comprehension scores, ToM scores, estimated amount of reading frequency, gender, and age. Post reading, students were assessed on ToM, EC, and HPT using age-appropriate and valid measures. The results demonstrated no statistical difference for individuals assigned to read either text as measured by ToM, EC, and HPT. Individuals with higher comprehension abilities in the historical document group were more likely to read for a longer period of time than individuals with high comprehension abilities in the narrative group. Empathic emotions for the narrative group were significantly correlated with higher HPT. The researcher argues that better ToM assessments need to be developed for adolescents and the relationship of reading historical texts and empathy for adolescents should be a topic of future research.

<p>The current state of the global distribution of income, wealth, and well-being is in many respects the product of historical acts and processes. Of these, some have been just, others not. In philosophical discourse, processes of the latter kind are referred to as historical injustices. Of these historical injustices, the most protracted, extensive, and (presumably) the most devastating, is colonialism. For centuries, innocent people – in fact whole continents – were subjected to plunder, despoilment, land-displacement, exploitation, slavery, oppressive rule, cultural rape, and genocide. The extent and persistence of the consequences of this particular historical injustice are, however, contested territory. With regards to the exact causes of global poverty and destitution, measuring the effects of colonialism vis-à-vis other determining factors is an empirical impossibility. Nonetheless, it is beyond dispute that during colonial times vast amounts of riches were illicitly transferred from the colonies to their (mainly European) masters. It therefore seems reasonable to assume that this massive and prolonged one-directional transfer (from South to North) of wealth and resources necessary for nation-building, i.e. self-sustained and successful eco¬nomic development, has contributed, to a morally significant degree, to the unequal economic status of societies – resulting, ultimately, in the present unjust division of countries into developed, industrialized ones on the one hand, and under-developed (in many cases, extremely poor) ones, on the other. If this assumption is correct, then this is a problem of fantastic moral proportions.</p><p>The aim of this essay is to consider the moral implications of the consequences of colonialism in light of the problem of global poverty and against emergent, compelling theories of global justice. It is argued that the former colonies are justified in making reparative demands on their former colonial powers as a matter of rectificatory justice. The demands discussed here are aimed at property restoration and economic compensation. The salience of these demands is established by way of arguments for collective moral responsibility and historical (trans-generational) obligations. It is further argued that such reparations would constitute a great leap towards eradicating global poverty on the grounds that many presently poor countries were the victims of colonial atrocities. Such a leap would also take us closer to a just world.</p>

<p>The thesis primarily tracks the history of historical responsibility in negotiations to and under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The concept aims at attributing individual country burdens in mitigating climate change based on the relative levels of past emissions. A hermeneutic approach and discursive theory has been applied to the empirical material consisting of documents form UNFCCC’s main bodies. Even though the concept was part of the discursive struggle over the content of the UNFCCC, it has been more central in the struggle to operationalise the Convention’s principles on equity. Historical responsibility has been most elaborated in a proposal by Brazil to the 1997 pre-Kyoto negotiations. This proposal combined a biophysical approach (preferred by the North) with that of a political economic approach (preferred by the South). However, the proposal was soon pushed of the central agenda and discussions on the topic turned technical and centred on scientific uncertainties. The biophysical framing excluded equity. At the same time as the proposal was marginalised within UNFCCC as a whole, it was central in discussions on comprehensive approaches to historical responsibility. Any that wanted to discuss comprehensive approaches were referred to this forum wherein talks on equity were excluded from the rules of discussion. This echoes a world system of a periphery, the global South, dependent upon core countries, the global North. The last mentioned have the capacity to set the agenda. The argument for marginalising the Brazilian proposal has been compared to the accepted Kyoto protocol with the result that the official arguments for marginalisation do not hold. The thesis also investigates historical responsibility’s problem solving potential as a concept that could create much needed dialogue across the North/South divide.</p> / <p>Uppsatsen söker främst följa konceptet ”historisk skuld” i klimatförhandlingarna som ledde till, och som senare fördes under, FNs ramkonvention om klimatförändringar (FCCC). Historisk skuld tillskriver länder eller regioner ett ansvar för klimatförändringar som baseras på dess historiska utsläppsnivåer av växthusgaser. Ansvarsberäkningarna ligger sedan till grund för bördefördelning. Empirin, beståendes av dokument från FCCCs organ, har analyserats genom hermeneutik och diskursteori. Historisk skuld fanns med i den diskursiva kampen över FCCC men blev centralt först i kampen över hur FCCCs rättviseprinciper skulle operationaliseras. Som mest genomarbetat har konceptet varit i det så kallade brasilianska förslaget vilket lades fram inför Kyotoförhandlingarna. Förslaget kombinerade en naturvetenskaplig gestaltning, som föredras av länder i nord, med en politisk ekonomisk dito, vilken föredras av syd. Det exkluderades emellertid fort från den beslutsfattande agendan och hänvisades till rådgivande organ där frågan teknifierades med fokus på vetenskapliga osäkerheter. Den naturvetenskapliga gestaltningen exkluderade samtal om rättvisa. Samtidigt som förslaget marginaliserades inom FCCC som helhet så blev det centralt i detaljerade diskussioner om historisk skuld. Om någon ville diskutera operationaliserade varianter av historisk skuld inom FN så hänvisade de till detta forum, ett forum där samtal om rättvisa exkluderats genom de tysta regler som styr diskussionen. Detta speglar ett världssystem där en periferi, det global syd, är beroende av centrala länder, det globala nord. De sistnämnda har kapaciteten att styra dagordningen. Argumenten bakom marginaliseringen av det brasilianska förslaget har sedan jämförts med det accepterade Kyotoprotokollet. Det visar sig då att de officiella argumenten för marginalisering inte håller. Uppsatsen undersöker också konceptets potential till att initiera välbehövlig dialog mellan nord och syd.</p>

Thesis (Ph.D. (Afrikaans en Nederlands)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2008.

The current state of the global distribution of income, wealth, and well-being is in many respects the product of historical acts and processes. Of these, some have been just, others not. In philosophical discourse, processes of the latter kind are referred to as historical injustices. Of these historical injustices, the most protracted, extensive, and (presumably) the most devastating, is colonialism. For centuries, innocent people – in fact whole continents – were subjected to plunder, despoilment, land-displacement, exploitation, slavery, oppressive rule, cultural rape, and genocide. The extent and persistence of the consequences of this particular historical injustice are, however, contested territory. With regards to the exact causes of global poverty and destitution, measuring the effects of colonialism vis-à-vis other determining factors is an empirical impossibility. Nonetheless, it is beyond dispute that during colonial times vast amounts of riches were illicitly transferred from the colonies to their (mainly European) masters. It therefore seems reasonable to assume that this massive and prolonged one-directional transfer (from South to North) of wealth and resources necessary for nation-building, i.e. self-sustained and successful eco¬nomic development, has contributed, to a morally significant degree, to the unequal economic status of societies – resulting, ultimately, in the present unjust division of countries into developed, industrialized ones on the one hand, and under-developed (in many cases, extremely poor) ones, on the other. If this assumption is correct, then this is a problem of fantastic moral proportions. The aim of this essay is to consider the moral implications of the consequences of colonialism in light of the problem of global poverty and against emergent, compelling theories of global justice. It is argued that the former colonies are justified in making reparative demands on their former colonial powers as a matter of rectificatory justice. The demands discussed here are aimed at property restoration and economic compensation. The salience of these demands is established by way of arguments for collective moral responsibility and historical (trans-generational) obligations. It is further argued that such reparations would constitute a great leap towards eradicating global poverty on the grounds that many presently poor countries were the victims of colonial atrocities. Such a leap would also take us closer to a just world.

The thesis primarily tracks the history of historical responsibility in negotiations to and under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). The concept aims at attributing individual country burdens in mitigating climate change based on the relative levels of past emissions. A hermeneutic approach and discursive theory has been applied to the empirical material consisting of documents form UNFCCC’s main bodies. Even though the concept was part of the discursive struggle over the content of the UNFCCC, it has been more central in the struggle to operationalise the Convention’s principles on equity. Historical responsibility has been most elaborated in a proposal by Brazil to the 1997 pre-Kyoto negotiations. This proposal combined a biophysical approach (preferred by the North) with that of a political economic approach (preferred by the South). However, the proposal was soon pushed of the central agenda and discussions on the topic turned technical and centred on scientific uncertainties. The biophysical framing excluded equity. At the same time as the proposal was marginalised within UNFCCC as a whole, it was central in discussions on comprehensive approaches to historical responsibility. Any that wanted to discuss comprehensive approaches were referred to this forum wherein talks on equity were excluded from the rules of discussion. This echoes a world system of a periphery, the global South, dependent upon core countries, the global North. The last mentioned have the capacity to set the agenda. The argument for marginalising the Brazilian proposal has been compared to the accepted Kyoto protocol with the result that the official arguments for marginalisation do not hold. The thesis also investigates historical responsibility’s problem solving potential as a concept that could create much needed dialogue across the North/South divide. / Uppsatsen söker främst följa konceptet ”historisk skuld” i klimatförhandlingarna som ledde till, och som senare fördes under, FNs ramkonvention om klimatförändringar (FCCC). Historisk skuld tillskriver länder eller regioner ett ansvar för klimatförändringar som baseras på dess historiska utsläppsnivåer av växthusgaser. Ansvarsberäkningarna ligger sedan till grund för bördefördelning. Empirin, beståendes av dokument från FCCCs organ, har analyserats genom hermeneutik och diskursteori. Historisk skuld fanns med i den diskursiva kampen över FCCC men blev centralt först i kampen över hur FCCCs rättviseprinciper skulle operationaliseras. Som mest genomarbetat har konceptet varit i det så kallade brasilianska förslaget vilket lades fram inför Kyotoförhandlingarna. Förslaget kombinerade en naturvetenskaplig gestaltning, som föredras av länder i nord, med en politisk ekonomisk dito, vilken föredras av syd. Det exkluderades emellertid fort från den beslutsfattande agendan och hänvisades till rådgivande organ där frågan teknifierades med fokus på vetenskapliga osäkerheter. Den naturvetenskapliga gestaltningen exkluderade samtal om rättvisa. Samtidigt som förslaget marginaliserades inom FCCC som helhet så blev det centralt i detaljerade diskussioner om historisk skuld. Om någon ville diskutera operationaliserade varianter av historisk skuld inom FN så hänvisade de till detta forum, ett forum där samtal om rättvisa exkluderats genom de tysta regler som styr diskussionen. Detta speglar ett världssystem där en periferi, det global syd, är beroende av centrala länder, det globala nord. De sistnämnda har kapaciteten att styra dagordningen. Argumenten bakom marginaliseringen av det brasilianska förslaget har sedan jämförts med det accepterade Kyotoprotokollet. Det visar sig då att de officiella argumenten för marginalisering inte håller. Uppsatsen undersöker också konceptets potential till att initiera välbehövlig dialog mellan nord och syd.

Denna studie diskuterar hur kulturarv, i detta fall Friluftsmuseet Gamla Linköping, är uppbyggt och hur dess utformning gör att anspråk på historisk representation och autenticitet. De tre män som deltog som informanter i denna studie vet att Gamla Linköping är konstruerad genom omlokalisering av gamla byggnader till platsen, vilket skapar bilden av en liten stad i början av 1900-talet. Under intervjuerna med informanterna, frågade jag om de upplever Gamla Linköping som antingen ett museum eller en stadsdel - och svaret var komplex. I huvudsak ansåg informanterna att Gamla Linköping är ett levande samhälle som illustrerar det förflutna. Jag har genomfört denna studie genom semistrukturerade intervjuer och deltagande observationer på Adventsmarknaden i Gamla Linköping. Genom de deltagande observationerna på Adventsmarknaden blev det möjligt för informanterna att fortsätta reflektionen över vad och hur de uppfattar vara representativ och autentiskt i förhållande till Gamla Linköping miljön. Studien är indelad i fyra delar; Museum eller stadsdel?, Dåtiden i nutiden, Adventsmarknaden, Kulturarv - för vem?. I denna studie har jag diskuterat det faktum att alla kulturarv produceras av olika samtida maktcentra. Det innebär att kulturarv inte är något naturgivet objekt som i sig själv har ett värde – utan genom samtidens normer tillägnas vissa historiska kulturella uttryck värden och konstruerar subjektiva kulturarv. / This study has discussed how cultural heritage, in this case the museum Old Linköping, is constructed and how its design makes claim to historical representation and authenticity. The three men who participated as informants in this study know that Old Linköping is constructed through the relocation of old buildings to the site, thus creating the image of a small town in the early 1900's. During the interviews with informants, I asked the question if they experience Old Linköping as either a museum or a district - and the answer was complex. In essence, the informants generally held view that Old Linköping will be a living community that illustrates the past. I have conducted this study through semi-structured interviews and participant observations on the Advent market in Old Linköping. Through participant observation in the Advent market, it became possible for the informants to continue to reflect on what and how they perceive to be representative and authentic in relation to the Old Linköping environment. The study is divided into four parts; Museum or district?, Past in the present, Advent Market, Heritage - for whom?. In this study, I have discussed the fact that all cultural heritages are produced by various contemporary centers of power. This means that cultural heritage is not something given by nature but by current standards are directed toward certain historical cultural expressions of values and constructs a subjective cultural heritage.

Abstract This essay elaborates the international New Gramscian School, which is one branch of critical theory, through comparing with mainstream international relation theories, limited in Waltz¡¦s structural realism, Gilpin¡¦s theory of hegemonic stability and neoliberal institutionalism Keohane & Nye devised. Meanwhile, this essay is divided into three parts, from lower level of relation between state and society (relation of structure and agent), hegemony and international regime, to higher level of post-Cold War world order, according to the critique Susan Strange refers to the mainstream international studies. Finally, I will make a normative statement about the School and suggestion related to the development of IR discipline. The purpose of this essay is to introduce a new approach that adopts historical materialism and denies the dichotomy of subject and object. Further, it assumes the importance of social science to build up a research method suitable for itself but different with natural science, and reassesses Enlightment Project. In brief, the context of the New Gramscian School could be derived from the following thinking of three scholars, including neo-Marxist Gramsci ¡¦¡¦cultural hegemony¡¦¡¦ which stresses non-material dimension of hegemony, Poulantzas ¡¥¡¦relative autonomy of state¡¦¡¦ and ¡¥¡¦dialectical structural analysis ¡¦¡¦, highlighting non-determinist characteristic of neoMarxism and putting emphases on the functions of anti-hegemonic social movements rather than seizing state machine by forces directly or radical revolutionary path, and Socialist Polanyi ¡¥¡¦double movement¡¦¡¦, which tries to verify that market itself plays only subordinate role in pre-capitalism period and indicate the fallacy of the self-regulating market itself. With these perspectives above, the School develops a quite different historical approach to interpret international phenomenon and tend to transform the given unjust and unfair world order. In sum, though mainstream IR theories are good at prediction of behaviors in few strong states, there are still a lot of questions unsolved and much space left for IR discipline to have a dialogue with competitive theories, especially the Left had been marginalized for a long time. Accordingly, it¡¦s important and constructive to establish a communicative community in the foreseeable future.