Kina, ett expansivt land i centrala Asien, har genomgått stora förändringar sedan Andravärldskriget. Har den förändringen skapat en uppfattning i USA att Kina kan ses som ett hot?Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur den officiella hotbilden av Kina skildrats i USAunder åren 1991-2006. Detta med fokus på att se på vilka förändringar som eventuellt skettunder den perioden. Problemformuleringen lyder: Vilka likheter och olikheter kanidentifieras genom att jämföra hur den officiella hotbilden av Kina har skildrats under detre olika presidentadministrationerna åren 1991-2006. Resultatet visar en relativ samsynunder hela den täckta perioden. Endast vid ett fåtal tillfällen uttrycks en uppfattad hotbild. Detsom är det genomgående temat i officiella uttalanden under perioden är behovet av samarbete.Ett samarbete som leder till öppenhet och samverkan inom alla sektorer. En öppenhet som i sintur bidrar till att skapa stabilitet och även till att USA inte uppfattar Kina som ett hot. / China, a country in Asia, that have gone through great expansion and change since the end ofWW2. Has that change created a picture in USA of China as a threat against USA? The purposeof this thesis is to examine how official statements have mentioned the China threat from 1991-2006. Focusing on changes, if any, during that period. To answer the question: What is similarand what differ about the pictured threat from China, during the three differentpresidencies, 1991-2006.The examination shows a relative coherent picture during the whole period. Just in someoccasion there is an imagined threat from China. Most of the time, in the official statements, theneed for co-operation is highlighted. Co-operation leading to transparency that will help tocreate stability and also creates an environment helping USA not to think of China as a threat. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 04-06

The purpose of the essay is both to bring forward the threats images, sectors, actors and referents that can be found at the European border between 2007-2010 and to explore whether they change during this period. Furthermore, the essay also intends to review the Copenhagen School’s theory of securitization. The analysis of the essay will be done on the European commission’s “Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges”, a rapport that focus on the European border and its enlargement. The frame of analysis will be the Copenhagen School’s theory of Securitization with the acknowledgement of the critic brought forward by Johan Eriksson and Thierry Balzacq. The Copenhagen school brings forward with their theory, the importance of the discourse of security and thus presents actors and referents which are involved in the process. They also include different sectors in which the different threats images may appear. All of this will be crucial for my examination of the theory as a hole. Furthermore, the essay will modify its methodology to include some of the critic. The purpose is to test if the theory can give a satisfying view of the threat images, sectors, actors and referents at the European border, with a qualitative and a quantitative method. In conclusion, the essay found that the securitization actor during the period between 2007-2010 was the commission itself and the reference object was EU and indirect its members states. The functional actors was the organization PKK and the UN, who with their actions changes the security dynamic in the region. Furthermore, the threat images that was constantly present in the rapports, was organized crime which was consistent with the result that the most found sector was the military sector. These results can be linked to the work of Peter Andreas who argues that the American and European border have shifted from a military tasks to policing tasks. This task change is something that also can be related to Johan Eriksson’s work regarding the change of task in the Swedish security. My final conclusion is that the Securitization theory most be seen as a framework for analyses. Further discussions are need regarding the theories concepts. I notice there are three fundamental discussions that need to be focused on; the focus on the securitized threats images, the lack of including the context and the focus on the speech act.

Små gröna män –  Början på ett nytt paradigm för det svenska militära maktmedlet?  Nyttjandet av det svenska militära maktmedlet, Försvarsmakten, har alltid varit intimt förknippat med hur svenska politiker uppfattat sin omgivning. I tider av liten militär hotbild har relevansen av det militära maktmedlet minskat kontra andra maktmedel och Sverige har haft förmånen att kunna bidra aktivt till global säkerhet genom deltagande i internationella operationer. I tider av en ökad hotbild har relevansen ökat och nyttjandet blivit mer inåtriktat med fokus på försvaret av Sverige. Detta arbete tar sin utgångpunkt i hur dessa säkerhetspolitiska förändringar påverkar relevansen och nyttjandet av det svenska militära maktmedlet.  Undersökningen analyserar hur den politiska sfären beskriver hotbilder och på vilket sätt det militära maktmedlet nyttjas. Syftet med att nyttja militära maktmedlet kan vara inåtriktat eller utåtriktat. Jämförelseperioderna och data för detta arbete utgörs av Försvarsberedningens rapporter år 2003 och 2017. Vid genomförandet av den kvalitativa analysen nyttjas Barry Buzan m.fl. vidgade säkerhetsbegrepp avseende hot inom olika sektorer. Den andra delen av analysen nyttjar Nils Andréns teorier om inåt- och utåtriktade aktiviteter som en stat vidtar för att skydda sin nation, härvid är fokus på det militära maktmedlets nyttjande. Analysen påvisar en tydlig hotförändring mellan de två tidpunkterna och samtidigt ett tydligt förändrat nyttjande av det militära maktmedlet. Hotbilden har rört sig från ett fokus på global terror till ett konfrontatoriskt Ryssland. Denna nya tydliga hotbild har också lett till en relevansförskjutning till förmån för det militära maktmedlet. I samma tidsperspektiv sker en nyttjandeförskjutning för det militära maktmedlet, till ett nationellt fokus dock med ett bibehållet internationellt engagemang. Den politiska sfären förväntar sig att Försvarsmakten löser sina uppgifter tillsammans med andra. Detta oavsett om det gäller försvaret av det egna territoriet eller internationella insatser. I linje med detta har Totalförsvaret åter fått en given plats i säkerhetspolitiken. / Little green men –  The beginning of a new paradigm for Swedish military power?  Usage of the Swedish military power, the Swedish armed forces, has always been intimately connected to how Swedish politicians interpret their surroundings. In times when there is a lack of threat to the state the relevance of the military power diminishes when compared to other security policy tools. During such times Sweden has had the opportunity and the will to contribute to global security, non the least by contributing to international and multi-dimensional operations, mainly to combat global terrorism. During times of a rise in threat towards the state the relevance of the military power and a more coherent attitude of defending the nation is natural. This essay use this as the starting point in how these security policy changes affects the relevance for and the usage of the Swedish military power. The essay analyzes how the political establishment describes threats to the state and in what shape or form the military power is used. Is it used as a tool for portraying security with an internal purpose or is it used for external purposes. For the analysis we compare Swedish defense board reports from 2003 and 2017. The work uses Barry Buzan et.al in regard to the wider security concept, consisting mainly of use of sectors and threats within sectors. The second part of the analysis uses Nils Andréns theories of internally and externally focused activities from a state with the purpose of securitizing the state. The focus of the internal and external activities is focused on the usage of the military power.   The analysis clearly shows a change of threat between the two time periods, as well as a clear change in the usage of military power. The threat has developed from a focus on global terrorism to a hostile Russia. This change of the threat environment seems to have changed the relevance of military power in comparison with other security policy measures. During the same timeframe a shift of the use of the military power occurs. From participating in international military operations in all dimensions to a national focus with the defense of the state as the top priority. One paradox is obvious, the national focus does not diminish the will to continue participating in international operations. One effect of the changed threat assessment and the diversity of tasks that follow, leads to the need for the military power to work together with others, within the nation and with other nations.