This dissertation is a study of the links between the poem Signos que aparecerán antes del juicio final of Gonzalo de Berceo and the Spanish medieval architecture. The analysis is based on a comparative and systematic contrast between the literary work of Berceo and the monumental sculptures present in three cathedrals that represent the Spanish medieval architecture. The iconographies found in the portals of these cathedrals have thematic and symbolic similarities with the poem of Gonzalo de Berceo. / Spanish

The afterlife is an important concept in many societies whether they are contemporary or ancient. Egypt and Oaxaca, Mexico are just two of the many cultures that took the time to find ways to ensure a successful transition into the afterlife. Each culture in the world has their own unique way of ensuring this transition. Tomb art is the common element that links the unique cultures of New Kingdom Egypt and Classic Period Oaxaca, Mexico. Each culture's tomb art has its own way of guiding the deceased into the world beyond this one. There are other common elements of the art, such as the idea of appeasement, that link the two civilizations that are thousands of miles apart as well as thousands of years apart. These commonalities can give researchers more insight on what is most important to gain access to the afterlife.

Sometimes the concrete form and skill of a work of art stand in a non-arbitrary or non-contingent relationship with the social circumstances of its facture. I hypothesise that this form and such skill was used by Diego Velázquez for artistically, socially and politically subversive purposes. In particular, I show how Velázquez used painting techniques to undermine the constitutional theory—or fiction—of the reigning monarch as mystically having two bodies: one ʻpublic’, sacred and immortal—even deified—, representing and incarnating the commonwealth, one ʻprivate’ and one mortal, capable of naturalist portraiture. In Hall XII at the Madrid Prado there hangs on your right as you exit a rather small bust portrait of the Iberian Habsburg monarch, Philip IV. It was painted in about 1653, during a pivotal period that saw a general climatic, economic, social, cultural, religious and political crisis and powerful intellectual developments that still characterise Western societies. The picture contains two essentially naturalistic motifs which can be seen from two different vantage points: a bust of a middle-aged man (ʻMotif I’) and, obliquely ʻat a glance’, a skull (ʻMotif II’). Both serve to subvert the constitutional fiction of the King’s Two Bodies: Motif I invites the beholder to approach closer to admire and work out the artist’s already at the time famously ʻloose’ technique, the use of manchas or borrones. The motif will then dissolve and show itself to be artifice which requires the beholder’s cooperation to make it look like the King. It suggests that the Monarchy similarly is an arti-fact that is manu-factured by artists in cooperation with the subjects. Motif II is in effect a vanitas, underlining the mortal and therefore human and transient nature of the monarch, and by implication of the monarchy itself. With the ambition of satisfying the Popperian test of hypothesis falsification, I have proceeded on the basis of the time-hallowed method of the connoisseur of looking closely at works of art in situ and, broadly understood, Wölfflin’s and Panofsky’s theoretical models, together with fundamentals of human psychology and physiology of perception and cognition, assuming an interaction of innate Gestalten and historically and culturally contingent habitus. I interpret my findings in the context of 17C Iberia, including intellectual contributions like that of Pacheco, Carducci, Castiglioni and Gracián. I rely on the rich historical literature on the period and on Philip IV and Velázquez (and their relationship). I make some comparisons between Velázquez, his fellow court-painters Hans Holbein, jr, and Anthony van Dyck, and an artist far from the courts but so close to Velázquez in technique and maybe personal convictions, Frans Hals. My hypothesis relies on three fundamental auxiliary claims—wagered against falsification—to support the claim that Velázquez was a subversive and to give the context for the subversiveness of the portrait of Philip IV: (1) Velázquez did have the practical freedom to produce this subversive royal portrait; (2) it is likely that he used that freedom for this purpose; and (3) he actively manipulated vision and visuality. I at least make likely all three claims. On the basis of Velázquez’s œuvre more generally—especially in his portraits of the marginalised—I show that he had a significant degree of freedom and that he consistently worked towards artistic, social and even political subversion (though not necessarily revolution) using his deep knowledge of vision, visuality and optics—science at the cutting edge in the 17C. As he appears to have suffered from the stain (mancha) of deficient limpieza de sangre, Velázquez’s own person and career—culminating in a knighthood—amounted in itself to social and political subversion. It is appropriate to characterise the technically resourceful Velázquez-the-painter as ingenioso. In fact, as the clever and skilled painter’s hidalguía was almost certainly proved with dissembling and falsified evidence, the mancha of his artisan antecedents—and possibly also of Jewish ancestry—makes him a true ingenioso hidalgo de la mancha. / A veces, la forma y la habilidad concretas de una obra de arte guardan una relación no arbitraria ni contingente con las circunstancias sociales de su realización. Mi hipótesis es que esa forma y esa habilidad fueron utilizadas por Diego Velázquez con fines artísticas, sociales y políticamente subversivos. En particular, muestro cómo Velázquez utilizó las técnicas pictóricas para socavar la teoría —o ficción— constitucional del monarca reinante como poseedor místico de dos cuerpos: uno «público», sagrado e inmortal —incluso divinizado—, que representa y encarna la mancomunidad, otro «privado» y mortal, susceptible de retrato naturalista.   En la sala XII del Museo del Prado de Madrid, a la salida, cuelga a la derecha un retrato de busto bastante pequeño del monarca ibérico de los Austrias, Felipe IV. Fue pintado hacia 1653, durante un periodo crucial en el que se produjo una crisis general climática, económica, social, cultural, religiosa y política, así como una poderosa evolución intelectual que aún caracteriza a las sociedades occidentales. El cuadro contiene dos motivos esencialmente naturalistas que pueden contemplarse desde dos puntos de vista diferentes: el busto de un hombre de mediana edad («Motivo I») y, de forma oblicua «en un vistazo», una calavera («Motivo II»). Ambos sirven para subvertir la ficción constitucional de los Dos Cuerpos del Rey: El Motivo I invita al espectador a acercarse para admirar y elaborar la ya entonces famosa técnica «suelta» del artista, el uso de manchas o borrones. El motivo se disolverá entonces y se mostrará como un artificio que requiere la cooperación del espectador para que se parezca al Rey. Sugiere que la Monarquía también es un arti-ficio fabri-cado por artistas en cooperación con los súbditos. El Motivo II es, en efecto, una vanitas, que subraya la naturaleza mortal y, por tanto, humana y transitoria del monarca y, por implicación, de la propia monarquía.  Con la ambición de satisfacer la prueba popperiana de falsación de hipótesis, he procedido basándome en el método consagrado por el tiempo del conocedor de observar de cerca las obras de arte in situ y, en sentido amplio, en los modelos teóricos de Wölfflin y Panofsky, junto con los fundamentos de la psicología humana y la fisiología de la percepción y la cognición, asumiendo una interacción de Gestalten innatas y habitus históricas y culturalmente contingentes. Interpreto mis hallazgos en el contexto de la Iberia del siglo XVII, incluyendo aportaciones intelectuales como las de Pacheco, Carducho, Castiglioni y Gracián. Me baso en la rica literatura histórica sobre el periodo y sobre Felipe IV y Velázquez (y su relación). Hago algunas comparaciones entre Velázquez, sus pares artistas de la corte Hans Holbein, jr, y Anthony van Dyck, y un artista alejado de la corte pero tan cercano a Velázquez en técnica y quizá en convicciones personales, Frans Hals.   Mi hipótesis se basa en tres afirmaciones auxiliares fundamentales —puestas en contra de la falsificación— para apoyar la afirmación de que Velázquez era un subversivo y para dar el contexto de la subversividad del retrato de Felipe IV: (1) Velázquez tenía la libertad práctica para producir este retrato real subversivo; (2) es probable que utilizara esa libertad para este fin; y (3) manipuló activamente la visión y la visualidad. Yo, al menos, hago probables las tres afirmaciones. Sobre la base de la obra de Velázquez en general —especialmente en sus retratos de marginados— demuestro que tenía un grado significativo de libertad y que trabajó constantemente en pro de la subversión artística, social e incluso política (aunque no necesariamente de la revolución) utilizando sus profundos conocimientos de la visión, la visualidad y la óptica, ciencia de vanguardia en el siglo XVII. Como parece haber sufrido la mancha de sangre carente de limpieza, la persona y la carrera de Velázquez —que culminó con el título de caballero— constituyeron en sí mismas una subversión social y política. Resulta apropiado calificar de ingenioso al pintor Velázquez, técnicamente ingenioso. De hecho, como la hidalguía del hábil e ingenioso pintor se probó casi con toda seguridad con pruebas disimuladas y falsificadas, la mancha de sus antecedentes artesanos —y posiblemente también de ascendencia judía— le convierte en un verdadero ingenioso hidalgo de la mancha.

<p>This is a study of martial material culture in the context of the Viking Age warrior of Birka, Sweden. The aim is to establish the role, function and affiliation of the Birka warrior and thereby place Birka on the power-political map of the 10th century. The study is based on the excavations of the fortified structures, particularly the Garrison, at the trading post of Birka as well as the extensive remains of material culture deriving from these investigations. A starting hypothesis is that an analysis of material culture constitutes a way of mapping social structures and that style and iconography reflect cultural groups, contacts and loyalties.</p><p>Based on the case studies of six papers, the synthesis deals with questions of the work and world view of the warriors, as too their relation to their contemporary counterparts in eastern and western Europe. Questions are raised concerning the value and function of symbols in a martial context where material culture reflects rank, status and office. In defining the Birka warrior’s particular stylistic expression, a tool is created and used in the search for contacts and affiliations reflected through the distribution patterns. The results show close contacts with the eastern trading posts located on the rivers Volga and Dnjepr in Ancient Russia.</p><p>It is stated that these Rus’ trading posts, essentially inhabited by Northmen, shared a common cultural expression that was maintained throughout a vast area by exceptionally close contacts. It is suggested that a particular stylistic expression developed in these Rus’ trading places containing elements of mainly Scandinavian, Steppe nomadic and Byzantine origin.</p><p>In conclusion, the results of this thesis show that the warriors from Birka’s Garrison had a share in the martial development of contemporary Europe but with their own particular traits. Close relations with the eastern trade route and contact with the powerful Byzantine Empire were enjoyed. As a pointer for future research, it is wondered what organisational form the close-knit structure of the Rus’ trading posts actually took, keeping the subsequent guilds of medieval Europe in mind. The fall of the Garrison, as of Birka, corresponds with the establishment of Christianity in the region. Such changes were not limited to Central Sweden but part of a greater process where a new political structure was developing, better anchored in local concerns.</p>

The extensive survival of late medieval bosses in the roofs of many parish churches in Devon has long been recognised. These carvings escaped the widespread destruction of images during the Reformation through their relative inaccessibility, and yet most have never before been recorded; nor has systematic study been made of their design, their positioning within a sacred space, or the ways in which they may have been viewed and used by a largely illiterate audience. This thesis rectifies this oversight in its detailed documentation and photography of figural roof bosses and contextual information from 121 churches across the county, appended as a gazetteer, and in its thorough analysis, which considers the varied interactions between the people of the parish and their carvings. The thesis reviews the literature on roof bosses in Britain, particularly the work of C.J.P. Cave whose studies have hitherto dominated the field, before considering materiality and method, namely the properties of oak, the dating of the timber, the carvers and the carving process, and the surface finish and visibility of roof bosses. The social, religious, and decorative context is then discussed, especially the role of ecclesiastical authorities in the life of the parish church and its people, and the motivation of patrons, clergy and laity in the decoration of their parish church. An exploration of motifs carved on roof bosses follows, with these motifs linked to other images within the parish church, the cathedral and the wider world, to the words of the sermon and the confessional, and to scriptural texts and popular literature. Medieval understandings of vision are considered, as are the circumstances in which roof bosses may have been seen and used. The thesis argues, in particular, that many bosses may have served as mnemonic devices and aids to prayer in a penitential process which sought to cure the soul of sin. The thesis concludes with case studies of six parish churches from across Devon which confirm that these carvings should be recognised as a significant resource for our understanding of the late medieval parish church and its people in the Diocese of Exeter and beyond.

Les deux principaux traités de chasse français médiévaux, le Livre du roy Modus et de la royne Ratio, rédigé entre 1354 et 1377 par un seigneur normand, Henri de Ferrières et le Livre de chasse, écrit de 1387 à 1388 par le comte Gaston III de Foix-Béarn, dit Febus, sont nés de la volonté d’établir une somme des savoirs cynégétiques et de les transmettre aux générations futures grâce à un livre associant des images au texte. Ce travail se propose de mettre en lumière les modalités de la création iconographique, la fonction des miniatures, leur relation avec le texte, au sein d’un ouvrage didactique profane, ainsi que la transmission d’un modèle, en se fondant sur les exemplaires les plus anciens de chaque œuvre (exécutés en 1379 et 1388-1390) et sur un corpus représentatif de leurs suiveurs, s’échelonnant sur un siècle. On a pu expliquer l’apparition d’un tel projet à la fin du XIVe siècle en analysant le propos et les intentions des auteurs et en cernant un contexte intellectuel, social et artistique favorable. L’examen des données formelles des livres et surtout de leur mise en page a montré un équilibre entre texte et image et le caractère pédagogique de leur traitement visuel. L’étude approfondie des cycles originaux a révélé la souplesse des mises en scène et des procédés narratifs s’adaptant aux contenus variés, l’implication concomitante de l’auteur et de l’artiste dans la création des illustrations, la variété des usages faits par les miniatures du référent textuel et la multiplicité des rôles dévolus aux images. Les premiers traités de chasse enluminés voient le langage pictural collaborer avec le langage écrit au service de l’ambition didactique du livre. / The two principle French medieval huntbooks, the Livre du roy Modus et de la royne Ratio, written between 1354 and 1377 by Henri de Ferrières, a Norman nobleman, and the Livre de chasse, written between 1387 and 1388 by Comte Gaston III de Foix-Béarn, called Febus, were encouraged and sponsored for the purpose of establishing a significant compilation of hunting knowledge, intended for future generation through a work associating illustration with the text. The present thesis proposes a clarification of the modes of iconographic creation, the role of miniatures, their relation to a text, at the heart of secular didactic works, as well as transmitting a model, founded upon the oldest copies of each work (executed respectively in 1379 and 1388-1390) and on a representative body of works by followers extended over one century. It was possible to explain the appearence of such a project at the end of 14th century by analysing proposals and intentions of the authors and discerning favorable intellectual, social and artistic context. Examination of book content and espacially setting on the page showed balance between text and ilustration and the pedagogic character of visual treatment. Extended study of original cycles revealed the suppleness of the visual story line and of the narrative process adapting to variable content, the concomitant connection between author and artist for the creation of illustrations, the variety of textual usages in miniatures and the multiplicity of roles given to images. The first illuminated huntbook treatises show pictural language working effectively with written language in the service of didactic purposes of the book.

No description available.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal. / Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse ou ce mémoire a été dépouillée, le cas échéant, de ses documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse ou du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This thesis examines contemporary street art and its exhibition in galleries and museums in connection with Walter Benjamin's concepts of aura and authenticity in the postmodern period. Street art is posited as a marginal art evolving out of the tradition of 1970's New York graffiti that can be made to function as a type of anti-spectacle within the spectacle of the mainstream. Situationist theory and concepts within the agenda of Unitary Urbanism (psychogeography, the dérive, and détournement) are used to evaluate contemporary street art as anti-spectacle. Photography, as a primary method of documenting street art, is considered as a mechanically reproduced medium bringing into play discourses of repetition and originality, which are in turn related back to Benjamin's concepts of aura and authenticity. Andy Warhol, his Pop Art iconography, and practice of seriality are also considered as an influence on contemporary street art's imagery and underlying practice. Warhol's promotion of an "art star" persona is also related to such contemporary street art "stars" as Banksy and Mr. Brainwash.

and keywords The thesis discusses the depiction of selected plant species in Roman and Early Christian art and further shortly deals with most considerable elements of vegetable ornaments and its development. The diploma work turns to symbolic meaning of the plants in connection with a religion and mythic tradition. First and second chapter pursue the depiction of herbs and trees (bushes) on mosaics, frescoes and relief-sculpture. In the third part the attention is paid to the significant elements of vegetable ornament: palmette, rosette and acanthus. Sometimes representations of plants from older period are mentioned for the sake of better explanation of their symbolic context (ancient Egypt, Greece). The thesis gathers information from writings of antique authors, in chapters dealing with Christian period from Bible and apocrypha, as well as from modern works related to the problematic. An objective of the thesis is to cover the differences in symbolic meanings of plants after an oncoming of Christianity, to determine, whether those plants were depicted onwards and in which context.