<p>The purpose of this study was to <em>understand</em> how social workers experienced working with Addiction Severity Index (ASI) in relation to the goal set by the National Board of Health and Welfare. The method is spread nationwide and therefore it is of great importance to examine how the social workers themselves experience the demands and the resources surrounding ASI. We choose to do a qualitative study interviewing eight social workers at six different occasions. The result was analyzed using Max Weber’s ideal type bureaucracy and Michael Lipsky’s thesis on street-level bureaucrats. We found that the social workers consider the method useful when used from without their own purposes. The standards set by the National Board of Health and Welfare was considered hard to achieve because of the complexity of the method. Among other things the valuation done by both social worker and client was regarded as tough and therefore the results of the interview are at risk of not becoming reliable. We found that the outcome of the interview depends on the performer.</p>

The aim of this study was to analyze how realism and liberalism are represented in requests concerning the question about a Swedish membership in Nato written by members of the Swedish Moderate Party in 2010, 2013, 2015 and 2017 respectively. The time period was chose due to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, which created a higher threat level in areas that are in close proximity of Sweden and which makes the debate about a Swedish membership in Nato very topical. To be able to answer the aim of this study, ideal type analysis was used as the method. Analyzing the occurrence of realism and liberalism within three political issues: security, collaboration and international organizations. The results show that the realistic and the liberal ideal type could be identified in requests concerning collaboration. However, within the political issues of security and international organizations only the liberal ideal type could be identified. Hence, there was not possible to identify any ideological change between realism and liberalism. In seven occasions none of the ideal types could be identified. Considering that the study included some eventful years, the result of no ideological changes are to be seen as fairly unexpected.

The purpose of this paper was to address the issue of democratic restrictions in Macedonia today, 2017, due to all the media attention of the Macedonian political life. It was also an interesting country to study because of its disputes with its neighbouring country Greece, which blocks Macedonia from entering both the European Union and the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO. The study was carried out on the grounds of Roberts Dahl’s seven institutions regarding Polyarchy which are elected officials, free and fair elections, inclusive suffrage, right to run for office, freedom of expression, alternative information and freedom of assembly. The method which was applied to this study was an ideal-type of democracy. The seven institutions of Polyarchy is the nearest a democratic governance one can come, and therefore Polyarchy became the main ideal-type. The seven institutions were later compared with both the Macedonian constitution and how these institutions are applied to daily life in the country. The results showed that the institutions inclusive suffrage and right to run for office were the only ones which met up to Dahl’s definition of those two institutions. Further, the institutions elected officials and freedom of assembly are partly restricted by the state. The institutions freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are the ones which are most restricted in Macedonia. The institution free and fair elections is also since 2016 an institution with restrictions because of the political crisis in recent years. Due to these results, one can conclude that Macedonia does not meet up to the requirements of all seven institutions and one can therefore infer that there are several democratic restrictions in Macedonia in 2017.

Med en intervjuundersökning med några verksamma musikproducenter bosatta i Sverige är syftet att bidra med bredare förståelse för deras verksamheter. Problemområdet utgörs av svårigheten att beskriva musikproducenters verksmamhet då branshen genomgått en strukturomvandling genom ökningen av digital produktion och konsumtion av musik. Första frågeställningen är: hur beskriver musikproducenterna sina verksamheter? Med teori från Aspers (2010) om skillnad mellan standard- och statusmarknader är andra frågeställningen: inom vilka typer av marknader agerar de? Med teori från forskning om musikproducentroller (Gullö, 2010;Burgess, 2012; Moorefiel,2005) är tredje frågeställningen ur vilka aktörsroller agerar de? Oväntade resultat är att musikproducenterna investerade mycket av tid och pengar från annan verksamhet för att skapa sina anseenden. Det var svårt att tolka om de entydigt verkade inom status eller standard marknad. Min tolkning är att deras aktörsroller kunde vara eller växla mellan scenframträdande musikproducenter och stödjande musikproducenter vilket kan ge en bredare förståelse för musikproducenters verksamheter.

Contemporary Christian ethical decision making includes a move toward responsibility, that is, ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics in general. Linking the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics with the process of ethical decision making itself as an ideal type, it clarifies the prejudices which make for responsible use of the Bible in Christian ethical decision making. When the prejudices influencing the hermeneutical task in Christian ethical decision making are conformable to the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics, the Bible is used in a responsible way in Christian ethical decision making. Responsible use of the Bible is linked with the hermeneutical notion that prejudices constitute the link between past text and current interpreter. This lead to the text being understood in new way(s) in each new historical situation. In this way it is able to undo the notion that the link between past text and current interpreter can be had from historical objectivism, with its prejudice against prejudices in Biblical interpretation, and which holds that the meaning of a text is restricted to what the original author intended. Once this original meaning has been uncovered it becomes valid for all times and under all circumstances, and can therefore be closed. This closure is then linked with an ethics of conviction, as opposed to the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics. In exegeting Romans 1: 26-27, as an example, within an ideal type of Christian ethical decision making, it is shown how the interpretation of the text is influenced by the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethics in general. This makes for a new understanding of the text related to the context in which the interpretation happens. As an example it is thus able to show how prejudices can influence the hermeneutical task in Christian ethical decision making. It makes for a responsible reading of the text for the prejudices which are allowed to influence the hermeneutical task are conformable to the ways in which responsibility should qualify Christian ethical decision making. In this way the exegesis of the text is able to show that the understanding of a text, in an ideal type of Christian ethical decision making, is subject to prejudices as that which makes all understanding, also understanding for moral action possible. Copyright / Dissertation (MA(Theol))--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / unrestricted

This essay is about Donald Trump and his ideology and domestic policy. The purpose of this essay is to find out how and to what extent is Donald Trump a nationalist and conservative during the years 2015 - 2021 and what is his view on domestic policy are, and in which way is it displayed. The study uses the methods of an idea analysis with the help of nationalist and conservative ideal types to analyze Donald Trump's 2016 campaign kickoff speech, Inauguration of Donald Trump, 2020 Trump Tulsa rally, and Donald Trump's farewell address. This method is effective because it will analyze ideology and how he uses ideology and how his view on domestic policy is, which is why idea analysis is an ideal choice of use. This essay's result is that Donald Trump uses nationalist ideas much more than he uses conservative ideas and that Donald Trump has a positive view on domestic policy and that he presents both these things very much and he repeats it often because of the importance.

This essay studies if the Sweden Democrats is a centrist party or not. The party’s ideological affiliation has been debated for a long time in Sweden. The party has been described as fascists and racists by opponents from both right- and left-wing. Most of the research on the Swedish Democrats has focused on the party’s connections to right-wing populism and nationalism. But the research has paid little attention to study the Sweden Democrats as a centrist party, despite the party defining itself as it. This makes it interesting to further investigate what ideological association the party has since they define themselves as centrist combined with elements from both right-and left-wing ideologies. It’s a study on the party’s updated party-platform, the study focuses on how the party describes the state, the economy and their view of humanity. The purpose of this study is to examine if the party is a centrist party based on the ideologies of liberalism, conservatism and social democracy through the use of the ideal-type analysis. The ideologies work as theories in this study. These ideologies were formed into ideal-types and were then applied to the chosen policy areas to be examined, to study whether the party had any connection to these as they claimed.

The Social Democrats in Denmark and Sweden have dominated the socio-politicalspectrum for decades with a discourse based on the principles of solidarity, equality andfreedom. Since the migrant crisis hit the European Union in 2015, these parties havestrengthened their discourse towards migration and migrant incorporation concerningtheir access to the welfare system. The use of identity for theory, together with thevariables of national identity, the rise of far-right parties, the troublesome fitting ofnational identity and the EU and the economic revision will be analysed in this thesis. Byusing an ideal type analysis for a method, this thesis will explore the shift in the discoursefrom the Social Democrats by looking at their political programs before and after themigrant crisis to find out the changes Third Country Nationals have these days whenaccessing the system and try to obtain social benefits.

This thesis examines how New public management has affected the governance of elderly care in Swedish municipalities.  In recent years, the Swedish media, unions for people working in elderly care and other societal actors, have reported on flaws in both the working environment for the people working in elderly care and in the care that is provided to the elders. This thesis examines how the ideas behind the term New public management are implemented in a public organization that is facing a lot of challenges and therefore is struggling to deliver good quality services to the residents. This is done by an in depth analysis of the governance of the elderly care in a single Swedish municipality, Arvika kommun. This analysis also aims to explore the relationship between the challenges that the Swedish elderly care is facing and the implementation of reforms that are associated with the term New public management.  The analysis is based on a model for ideal type analysis and the material that is analyzed consist of a policy document that describes the elderly care in Arvika kommun and transcribed interviews with four informants who are working as managers in the elderly care in Arvika kommun. The ideal types that have been constructed are based on the doctrines that Christopher Hood formulated as the content of the term New public management.  The results from the analysis shows that the ideas behind the term New public management are implemented in the governing of the elderly care in Arvika kommun in a large number of ways. For example in the use of explicit standards and measures of performance, private sector styles of management and the disaggregation of units. The most prominent way in which the ideas behind the term New public management are implemented in the governing of the elderly care is in the focus on discipline and parsimony in resource use which is something that affects the whole organization.  Like some of the previous studies that examine New public management in relation to Swedish elderly care, this thesis also presents the result that there is a connection between the challenges that the elderly care is facing and the implementation of reforms associated with New public management. New public managements focus on making everything more time- and cost effective gives the staff working in elderly care a more stressful working environment. The stressful working environment leads to people resigning and a staff shortage which in turn leads to a lower quality in the care that is provided to the elders.

This paper investigates whether the Swedish state has had a change of policy from a liberal to a more realistic view in the work against terrorism as the threat of terrorist acts has become more apparent in recent years. To investigate this, a comparative ideal-type analysis of Swedish strategies against terrorism is applied. In summary, the analysis shows that a direct change of policy cannot be seen, but that there are traits of realistic principles in the current strategy. This study is an important addition in both the social and academic arena as previous research on terrorism in Sweden in general and Swedish security strategies in particular is scarce.