There are two parallel developments in European and, particularly important for this study, Swedish policy. The trend is that the individual's self-determination of his gender identity, rather than psychological investigations, medical assessments and legal sections, should be legitimate in recognizing gender identity. Furthermore, there are intensive political debates on positive discrimination of women as a tool for achieving gender equality in response to that men and masculinity are still claiming and maintaining a leading role in society. This study takes root in these two political developments and investigates how two Swedish parliamentary parties, Vänsterpartiet and Socialdemokraterna, take position to transgender womens’ right to determine their gender identity and, at the same time, determine which women should be able to be gender quoted. The result showed that the parties, in political material regarding transgender, assume a trans-inclusionary attitude towards trans women in relation to women as a group, whereas the political material on gender equality of women has a trans-exclusionary approach. The conclusion is that there is a need for a political strategy for managing flexible identities in formal systems.

Throughout the years there has been rise to extensive debate in the media and in the research world about the Swedish Democrats being labeled as a populist radical right-winged party or even leaning towards a centrist position with authoritarian values. With a general election coming up soon this year the aim of this study is with the help of a two-dimensional approach, combining the traditional left/right dimension and the GAL-TAL dimension, to find out where the SD place themselves on the political spectrum. The left/right dimension focuses on socioeconomic interests – the relationship between the state and the market while GAL-TAN considers socio-cultural issues such as independence and the degree of individual freedom. By conducting a qualitative content analysis and an ideal-type analysis in this study, several statements from the party's manifestos from the year 2010, 2014 and 2018 have been analyzed to find out where the party can be placed on the political spectrum. The study shows that the SD can be placed on the two-dimensional scale, where the party combines elements of TAN, some libertarian elements (GAL), where SD positions itself as a centrist-right party in some issues of the economic dimension. In addition, results show that social conservatism has been a prominent ideology in the SD:s manifestos over the years. / <p>2018-06-07.</p>

A presente tese de doutorado apresenta um estudo sociológico comparativo de culturas democráticas e do funcionamento judiciário, baseado em tipos ideais, com enfoque nas culturas cívicas, jurídicas e judiciais dos Estados Unidos, do Brasil e da França. O objetivo principal é compreender o funcionamento do Poder Judiciário no Brasil, a partir de sua cultura democrático-constitucional oficial, problematizando-a em face da hipótese da persistência de habitus patrimonialistas subjacentes à forma jurídica. O primeiro capítulo constrói e compara os tipos ideais da cultura democrática (aspectos sociais e políticos) nos Estados Unidos, na França e no Brasil. Os pensamentos e valores marcantes em torno das coisas públicas e privadas são organizados na forma dos tipos comparáveis do individualista liberal, do coletivista social e do patrimonialista pessoal. As elites típicas são esboçadas em torno das noções de um advogado burguês, um nobre de Estado e um burocrata estamental. Por último, o problema dos mitos fundantes das democracias é elaborado através do contraponto dos racionalismos contratualistas (pragmático nos Estados Unidos e utópico na França) com o ranço pré-moderno das raízes culturais brasileiras. O segundo capítulo constrói e compara os arranjos institucionais e o funcionamento do poder judiciário nos três países. Descreve-se e sistematiza-se, para utilização eficaz, a ferramenta conceitual das magistraturas “burocráticas” e “profissionais”, tal como já “pré-concebida” por Garapon, Guarnieri e Pederzoli. O aspecto burocrático bloqué, excessivamente apegado ao Código, da magistratura judicial francesa, é explicado pelo temor do retorno da barbárie e do arbítrio pessoal, que são como memórias reprimidas, do Ancien Régime e da Revolução, no inconsciente cultural francês. A formação da alta magistratura administrativa como uma forma de noblesse d’État é explicada como a modernização, pela legitimação escolar, das reminiscências cortesãs latentes de uma sociedade afeita à distinção social. Por sua vez, o ativismo judicial característico do judiciário americano é explicado pela retumbante interpenetração entre o direito e a política em sua cultura; imbricamento este que explica os métodos de recrutamento que privilegiam a accountability em detrimento da independência judicial; bem como a licenciosidade com que os juízes americanos se imiscuem no universo das ideologias políticas, inclusive as partidárias. Por último, o fato de os magistrados brasileiros pensarem-se como grupo distinto e superior, com ares de nobreza, é explicado através da ideia de “nobreza concursada”, como sendo a feição contemporânea do estamento burocrático. O desembaraço de seu jogo duplo, em ora apresentarem-se como medalhões, que dão carteiraços, ora como técnicos (ou paladinos) da ordem jurídica democrática, é explicado pela ambiguidade essencial da modernização da cultura brasileira: o ethos patrimonialista contemporâneo é interpretado como modernização da cordialidade idílica; o “indivíduo contratualista”, formal e burocrata, e a “pessoa estamental”, favorita do paço, encontram sua síntese perfeita no magistrado-concursado-medalhão contemporâneo. / This PhD dissertation presents a comparative sociological study of the democratic cultures and the judicial functioning, based on ideal types; focusing on the civic, legal, judicial cultures of the United States, Brazil and France. The main goal is to understand the functioning of the Judiciary in Brazil, from its official constitutional democratic culture, rendering it problematic before the hypothesis of a steady habitus of patrimonialism, underlying the legal formalities. The first chapter constructs and compares the ideal types of the democratic culture (social and political features) in the United States, in France and in Brazil. The remarkable thoughts and the values, on public and private issues, are shaped as comparable types, like the “liberal individualist”, the “social collectivist”, the “person of the patrimonialism”. Typical elites are drafted based on the notions of the bourgeois-lawyer, the State noble, and the status-group-bureaucrat. Finally, the issue of the democratic founding myths is constructed by opposing the contractual rationalisms (pragmatic in the US and utopic in France) and the pre-modern rancidity of Brazilian cultural roots. The second chapter constructs and compares the judicial institutional setting and its functioning in the three countries. It effectively describes and systematizes the conceptual tool of “bureaucratic” and “professional” magistracies, first conceived by Garapon, Guarnieri and Pederzoli. The character of bureaucratie bloquée, obsessed by the Code of the French judicial magistracy, is explained by the fear of the French people of facing backlashes of barbarism and tyrannies, reminding the time of the Old Regime and the Revolution, based on unconscious repressed cultural memories. The making of the high administrative magistracy, shaped as a noblesse d’État, is explained as a modernization of courtier reminiscence, by means of scholar legitimization, which are latent in a society with taste for social distinctiveness. In turn, the characteristic judicial activism of the American judiciary is explained by the sounding interpenetration between law and politics in their culture. This imbrication explains the methods of recruitment that privilege accountability rather than judicial independence. This also explains the cultural permissiveness for American judges to meddle with the universe of political, even partisan ideologies. At last, the fact that the Brazilian magistrates think of themselves as a distinct and superior group, with their ways of nobility, is explained by the idea of "examined nobility", meaning the contemporary feature of the bureaucratic status group. They play double-games with resourcefulness, sometimes playing the role of big-wigs, throwing their weights around; other times playing the technicians (or the warriors) of the democratic legal system. This is explained by the essential ambiguity in the modernization of the Brazilian culture: the ethos of a contemporary patrimonialism is interpreted as the modernization of the idyllic cordiality. The contemporary “examined big-wig” is the perfect synthesis of the associative formal-bureaucratic individual and the status-group person, “favorite of the prince”.

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The #Metoo debate also included other hashtags with the willingness to participate in the debate on gender equality. Including the hashtag #Ihave that symbolized the male perspective and came in response to #Metoo. The purpose of this graduation project is to find out how the debate is conducted based on rhetorical and feminist theories, by finding ideals in different positions about the hashtag #Ihave. The material was collected on February 21, 2018 on Facebook and based on posts we received from our private Facebook accounts where we searched for #Ihave in the search field. To this qualitative work, a hidden observation has also been used to obtain the material that was analyzed. In order to investigate the ideals, we used the different feminist types of liberal and radical feminism where we rhetorically linked the posts to. Based on the found ideals, we have thus come up with a finding that there are differences in how men and women participate in the debate on gender equality and in what ways.

A presente tese de doutorado apresenta um estudo sociológico comparativo de culturas democráticas e do funcionamento judiciário, baseado em tipos ideais, com enfoque nas culturas cívicas, jurídicas e judiciais dos Estados Unidos, do Brasil e da França. O objetivo principal é compreender o funcionamento do Poder Judiciário no Brasil, a partir de sua cultura democrático-constitucional oficial, problematizando-a em face da hipótese da persistência de habitus patrimonialistas subjacentes à forma jurídica. O primeiro capítulo constrói e compara os tipos ideais da cultura democrática (aspectos sociais e políticos) nos Estados Unidos, na França e no Brasil. Os pensamentos e valores marcantes em torno das coisas públicas e privadas são organizados na forma dos tipos comparáveis do individualista liberal, do coletivista social e do patrimonialista pessoal. As elites típicas são esboçadas em torno das noções de um advogado burguês, um nobre de Estado e um burocrata estamental. Por último, o problema dos mitos fundantes das democracias é elaborado através do contraponto dos racionalismos contratualistas (pragmático nos Estados Unidos e utópico na França) com o ranço pré-moderno das raízes culturais brasileiras. O segundo capítulo constrói e compara os arranjos institucionais e o funcionamento do poder judiciário nos três países. Descreve-se e sistematiza-se, para utilização eficaz, a ferramenta conceitual das magistraturas “burocráticas” e “profissionais”, tal como já “pré-concebida” por Garapon, Guarnieri e Pederzoli. O aspecto burocrático bloqué, excessivamente apegado ao Código, da magistratura judicial francesa, é explicado pelo temor do retorno da barbárie e do arbítrio pessoal, que são como memórias reprimidas, do Ancien Régime e da Revolução, no inconsciente cultural francês. A formação da alta magistratura administrativa como uma forma de noblesse d’État é explicada como a modernização, pela legitimação escolar, das reminiscências cortesãs latentes de uma sociedade afeita à distinção social. Por sua vez, o ativismo judicial característico do judiciário americano é explicado pela retumbante interpenetração entre o direito e a política em sua cultura; imbricamento este que explica os métodos de recrutamento que privilegiam a accountability em detrimento da independência judicial; bem como a licenciosidade com que os juízes americanos se imiscuem no universo das ideologias políticas, inclusive as partidárias. Por último, o fato de os magistrados brasileiros pensarem-se como grupo distinto e superior, com ares de nobreza, é explicado através da ideia de “nobreza concursada”, como sendo a feição contemporânea do estamento burocrático. O desembaraço de seu jogo duplo, em ora apresentarem-se como medalhões, que dão carteiraços, ora como técnicos (ou paladinos) da ordem jurídica democrática, é explicado pela ambiguidade essencial da modernização da cultura brasileira: o ethos patrimonialista contemporâneo é interpretado como modernização da cordialidade idílica; o “indivíduo contratualista”, formal e burocrata, e a “pessoa estamental”, favorita do paço, encontram sua síntese perfeita no magistrado-concursado-medalhão contemporâneo. / This PhD dissertation presents a comparative sociological study of the democratic cultures and the judicial functioning, based on ideal types; focusing on the civic, legal, judicial cultures of the United States, Brazil and France. The main goal is to understand the functioning of the Judiciary in Brazil, from its official constitutional democratic culture, rendering it problematic before the hypothesis of a steady habitus of patrimonialism, underlying the legal formalities. The first chapter constructs and compares the ideal types of the democratic culture (social and political features) in the United States, in France and in Brazil. The remarkable thoughts and the values, on public and private issues, are shaped as comparable types, like the “liberal individualist”, the “social collectivist”, the “person of the patrimonialism”. Typical elites are drafted based on the notions of the bourgeois-lawyer, the State noble, and the status-group-bureaucrat. Finally, the issue of the democratic founding myths is constructed by opposing the contractual rationalisms (pragmatic in the US and utopic in France) and the pre-modern rancidity of Brazilian cultural roots. The second chapter constructs and compares the judicial institutional setting and its functioning in the three countries. It effectively describes and systematizes the conceptual tool of “bureaucratic” and “professional” magistracies, first conceived by Garapon, Guarnieri and Pederzoli. The character of bureaucratie bloquée, obsessed by the Code of the French judicial magistracy, is explained by the fear of the French people of facing backlashes of barbarism and tyrannies, reminding the time of the Old Regime and the Revolution, based on unconscious repressed cultural memories. The making of the high administrative magistracy, shaped as a noblesse d’État, is explained as a modernization of courtier reminiscence, by means of scholar legitimization, which are latent in a society with taste for social distinctiveness. In turn, the characteristic judicial activism of the American judiciary is explained by the sounding interpenetration between law and politics in their culture. This imbrication explains the methods of recruitment that privilege accountability rather than judicial independence. This also explains the cultural permissiveness for American judges to meddle with the universe of political, even partisan ideologies. At last, the fact that the Brazilian magistrates think of themselves as a distinct and superior group, with their ways of nobility, is explained by the idea of "examined nobility", meaning the contemporary feature of the bureaucratic status group. They play double-games with resourcefulness, sometimes playing the role of big-wigs, throwing their weights around; other times playing the technicians (or the warriors) of the democratic legal system. This is explained by the essential ambiguity in the modernization of the Brazilian culture: the ethos of a contemporary patrimonialism is interpreted as the modernization of the idyllic cordiality. The contemporary “examined big-wig” is the perfect synthesis of the associative formal-bureaucratic individual and the status-group person, “favorite of the prince”.

The thesis Phenomenology and Economics is an account of methodological possibilities brought by the phenomenological method into the realm of economic thought. From the starting point of Misesian praxeology the thesis advances to the key contributions of Alfred Schütz whose concept of telescopic ideal type enables us to cross the gap between theory and history. Telescopic ideal type allows us to grasp the specific nature of economics that is, on the one hand, proud of its rigor and precision connected with the formal modelling and on the other hand deals with an interpretation of individual agents in their life-world. Methodological insights developed through this analysis are then applied to the problem of coordination and spontaneous order and to the question of the relationship between behavioral economics and rational choice theory.

Vladimir Putin has been President of Russian Federation for almost 20 years. Powerful politicians of that importance and duration warrant research to understand their personal beliefs in a variety of topics. This study sets out to understand Putin’s opinions on a range of subjects such as multiculturalism, patriotism, and ethnicity to determine “What kind of nationalist is Vladimir Putin?” This question is answered by using four distinct ideal types of nationalism; civic, ethno-cultural, multicultural, and religious. Most of the research material consists of primary texts or articles written by Vladimir Putin, five in total, and two excerpts from answers given by Putin in press conferences. The reason for choosing these specific sources is because they provide direct information on Putin’s opinions and beliefs. After analysis the author of this article has concluded that Vladimir Putin closely resembles the civic nationalism ideal type; however, Putin is also very to the close ethno-cultural nationalism and to some extent multiculturalism with insignificant overlap with religious nationalism. The main reason for this conclusion is because of Putin’s reoccurring encouragement of patriotism through loyalty to the Russian state. Putin has also expressed ethno-cultural statements such as viewing Russian people as the “state building people” in Russia and seeing Russian culture and language as the dominant culture for Russia, not in the sense of stating the fact that majority of Russia is Russian, but also that it should continue being dominant. Not just by language and culture but also by prohibiting nationalist-regionalist political parties.

Les maneliști sont des chanteurs et des chanteuses connus en Roumanie pour la prestation de manele (sg. manea), un genre musical ethnopop à sonorité « orientale ». Généralement chantée par des hommes identifiés et s’identifiant comme Roms, cette musique est devenue aussi populaire que controversée depuis les années 1990. Dans leurs vidéo-clips YouTube, ils nous dévoilent un monde qui choque : femmes dénudées, champagne à profusion, liasses de billets de banque, automobiles luxueuses et mobilier somptueux. Ces célébrités ont un style particulier, distinctif, qui ne manque pas de faire réagir en Roumanie. Son caractère exubérant et débordant est souvent taxé de « kitsch », de « mauvais goût ». Dépassant le jugement de valeur, la présente étude s’articule autour d’un problème sociologique : pourquoi les maneliști se présentent-ils comme richissimes sur le Web et pourquoi le font-ils d’une manière si ostentatoire? Il s’agit de répondre à cette question en étudiant les mises en scène des chanteurs et des chanteuses de manele à partir de photographies publiées sur leur compte Instagram et de vidéo-clips sur YouTube. La parure, le mobilier, les rideaux ou les planchers que l’on y retrouve sont autant de traces matérielles permettant de cerner la manière dont les maneliști se présentent sur le Web. Sous la forme d’un idéaltype wébérien, cette recherche trace les contours de leur esthétique distinctive en la superposant au rococo français, un style décoratif reconnu pour sa somptuosité. L’idéaltype qui y est construit accentue le caractère ostentatoire du style des chanteurs et des chanteuses de manele. S’il permet de décrire leurs mises en scène sur le Web, en mettant en évidence comment la richesse s’y manifeste, il fait aussi apparaître une tension dans le personnage richissime : les maneliști y adhèrent et s’en détachent à la fois. Pourquoi? Dans un contexte où les présentations des maneliști sont vivement critiquées, notamment en raison de leur (auto-)identification comme Roms, ce mémoire montre que ces célébrités négocient avec leurs exubérants personnages. Ils font valoir qu’ils sont de « bonnes » personnes qui croient en Dieu et qui accordent une plus grande importance à la famille et à la bonté qu’à la fortune. En bref, ils semblent contraints de montrer leur respect des conventions sociales dominantes en Roumanie. Afin d’obtenir une considération sociale et de revendiquer leur appartenance à la « nation roumaine », les maneliști tempèrent leurs mises en scène et rappellent que l’ostentatoire et l’exubérance relèvent d’un personnage de scène, pas de la personne qui le joue. / This master thesis focuses on maneliști, singers well known in Romania for singing manele (sg. manea), an ethnopop music with an “oriental” twist. Generally sung by men identified and identifying has Roma, this music gained as much popularity as it caused controversy in the last decades. In their YouTube video clips, the maneliști reveal a shocking world: scantily dressed women, flowing champagne, banknote bundles, luxurious cars, and sumptuous furniture. These celebrities have a particular style that arouses vivid reactions in Romania. Exuberant and ostentatious, their style is often deemed “kitsch” or “tasteless.” Going beyond these value judgments, the current study revolves around a sociological problem: why do maneliști present themselves as wealthy and why do they do it in such an ostentatious manner? This thesis attempts to solve this problem by focusing on the way manele singers display themselves in photographs published on their Instagram accounts and in their YouTube video clips. The clothes, furniture, curtains, or floors shown in these media constitute material traces that allow us to identify the way manele singers present themselves online. In the form of a Weberian idealtype, this research outlines their distinctive style by comparing it to the French rococo, a decorative style well known for its sumptuousness. The ideal-type constructed accentuates the ostentatious dimension of the manele singers’ style. While it is useful to describe the way they display themselves online, highlighting how ostentatious wealth is a great part of it, it also reveals a tension: the maneliști adhere to this presentation while distancing themselves from it. Why? Bearing in mind that the maneliști’s self-presentation is largely criticized in Romania, especially due to their (auto-)identification has Roma, this study shows that manele singers negotiate their exuberant character. They demonstrate that they are “good” people who believe in God and place more importance on family and kindness than fortune. In short, they are compelled to show that they respect the dominant social conventions in Romania. To gain recognition from their peers and claim their belonging to the “Romanian nation,” maneliști temper their presentations and distinguish their everyday self from their stage persona.

The military has always been viewed as something very masculine. In order to evolve as an institution, Försvarsmakten, as with many institutions, need to keep up with current norms and changes to gender equality and implement these in the structure of the institution. This ideal type analytical paper investigates the changes of norms and quantitative and qualitative measures taken by Försvarsmakten in order to implement gender integration into their institution. It examines Försvarsmaktens handlingsplan för jämställdhetsintegrering 2015-2018 as a main source and applies concept from feminist political theory and new institutionalist theory in order to determine if there has been a feminization in the institution based on the measures taken both qualitative and quantitative and changes in norms. Feminization of the institution has taken place as is shown by the qualitative and quantitative measures taken as well as by the norm changes.