Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação analisa cinco instituições intergovernamentais na cooperação nuclear e científica entre Argentina e o Brasil, que em diferentes etapas evolutivas procuram o aprofundamento do diálogo entre os dois países geradores do processo de integração da América do Sul. Tais organizações encontram-se permeadas por condições econômicas, políticas e de avanço científico, de ordem interno e externo, que definimos nos termos da CEPAL, como típicas da periferia. As instituições estudadas abrangem as décadas de 1991-2011 e analisamos como na procura por uma melhor inserção internacional, elas respondem às potências do centro: por uma parte seguindo as regras impostas e por outra na busca de algum grau de independência. A pesquisa apresenta uma clara preocupação pelo desenvolvimento, que foi entendido pelas lideranças argentinas e brasileiras no âmbito da cooperação e que oferece a possibilidade de formar blocos institucionais que forneçam à região uma maior ação no sistema internacional. / This dissertation analyzes five intergovernmental institutions in the nuclear and scientific cooperation between Argentina and Brazil, which seek in different evolutionary stages deepening the dialogue between the two countries that generated the South Americas integration process. Such organizations are permeated by economic and political conditions plus scientific advancement, in internal and external order, which we define in terms of ECLAC, as typical of the periphery. The institutions studied range from 1991-2011 and we analyze how the search for a better international insertion, replay to the powers of the center: by one side, coupling to the rules they imposed and in the other, searching some kind of independence. The research presents a clear concern about development, which was understood by the Argentinian and Brazilian leaderships within the framework of cooperation that provides the possibility of forming institutional blocks that give the region greater action in the international system.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Esta dissertação analisa cinco instituições intergovernamentais na cooperação nuclear e científica entre Argentina e o Brasil, que em diferentes etapas evolutivas procuram o aprofundamento do diálogo entre os dois países geradores do processo de integração da América do Sul. Tais organizações encontram-se permeadas por condições econômicas, políticas e de avanço científico, de ordem interno e externo, que definimos nos termos da CEPAL, como típicas da periferia. As instituições estudadas abrangem as décadas de 1991-2011 e analisamos como na procura por uma melhor inserção internacional, elas respondem às potências do centro: por uma parte seguindo as regras impostas e por outra na busca de algum grau de independência. A pesquisa apresenta uma clara preocupação pelo desenvolvimento, que foi entendido pelas lideranças argentinas e brasileiras no âmbito da cooperação e que oferece a possibilidade de formar blocos institucionais que forneçam à região uma maior ação no sistema internacional. / This dissertation analyzes five intergovernmental institutions in the nuclear and scientific cooperation between Argentina and Brazil, which seek in different evolutionary stages deepening the dialogue between the two countries that generated the South Americas integration process. Such organizations are permeated by economic and political conditions plus scientific advancement, in internal and external order, which we define in terms of ECLAC, as typical of the periphery. The institutions studied range from 1991-2011 and we analyze how the search for a better international insertion, replay to the powers of the center: by one side, coupling to the rules they imposed and in the other, searching some kind of independence. The research presents a clear concern about development, which was understood by the Argentinian and Brazilian leaderships within the framework of cooperation that provides the possibility of forming institutional blocks that give the region greater action in the international system.

The Kantian Triangle of democratic institutions, IGOs, and economic interdependence has received a great deal of attention by international relations scholars. This project expands on liberal theory by arguing the pacific effects of the Kantian Triangle extend beyond dyadic context, and shapes state decision making on defense spending decisions. This project asserts that as states (1) build democratic institutions, (2) increase the number of memberships in international intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and (3) exposes domestic markets to the global economy and subsequent interdependence on foreign markets for both imports and exports, they are less likely to allocate resources toward the military. To test this argument I employ both quantitative and qualitative methods. I first utilize a pooled time series data set of all states from 1960-2000. I then examine the case of Brazil and its relationship with the Kantian Triangle and subsequent military planning decisions. I conclude that there is mixed evidence to support the notion that the Kantian Triangle reduces military spending. I establish that while democracies reduce military spending, consolidated democracies enjoy no additional benefit in military spending. However, the longer states are democracies the more likely they are to reduce spending, and if they have electoral systems based on consensus designs. I find that IGO memberships reduce military spending, however, the bulk of influence IGOs have on military spending decisions are retained by security focused organizations. Lastly, I find that international trade and overall economic globalization increases military spending, while regional trade decreases it. In all the Kantian Triangle has a substantial influence on military spending, yet it is clear from this project that this influence is not universal among all elements of the Kantian Triangle, and that the liberal influences are not completely pacific.

Se investiga la importancia relativa de cada uno de 40 habilidades y de conocimientos que necesitan los traductores que trabajan en las organizaciones intergubernamentales, con enfoque en los exámenes de selección de nuevos traductores. En base de una encuesta de traductores y correctores en diferentes organizaciones, se producen jerarquías de habilidades-conocimientos específicas para cada organización. Los actuales exámenes de selección se analizan a la luz de dichas jerarquías con el fin de identificar las modificaciones que podrían permitir que las organizaciones reclutan los candidatos más adecuados para perfiles necesitados. Para examinar más en profundidad las implicaciones de estos resultados, se escribe un examen nuevo, más adecuado a las jerarquías identificadas, y se comparan el modelo de los exámenes actuales. Se demuestra empíricamente que tanto estudiantes de Máster y como profesionales de las organizaciones reciben notas significativamente diferentes en los dos exámenes. De ahí las implicaciones importantes para la formación de traductores / This study investigates the relative importance of 40 skills and knowledge required by translators at inter-governmental organizations from the perspective of recruitment testing. On the basis of a survey conducted of translators and revisers at various organizations, specific skills-knowledge hierarchies required at individual organizations are drawn up. Current testing practice is examined in the light of the hierarchies to identify adjustments that could be made to help organizations select the candidates with the profile they need. To examine the implications of the findings further, the performance of a group of translators on a traditional recruitment test is compared with their performance on a “profile-adapted” test that is designed on the basis of measurement theory. The findings also have implications for translator training.

In a context of neoliberal globalization, have the processes of elaboration and implementation of foreign investors’ responsibilities by intergovernmental organizations reached the realm of legality? By relying on an analytical framework and a methodology that combine international law with international relations, the present interdisciplinary dissertation provides a twofold answer to this question. At a macro-level, it demonstrates that the normative integration of foreign investors’ responsibilities in international investment law is fragmented and consistent with the interests of the most powerful actors. At a micro-level, it relies on the interactional theory of international law to assess the normative character of several international instruments elaborated and implemented by intergovernmental organizations. By shedding light on the sense of obligation that each instrument generates, the analysis shows that such a codification process is marked by relations of power between international actors and has resulted in several social norms, with relatively few legal norms. / Graduate

Recently, intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) have adopted policies that engage the private sector in the implementation of their development mandates. Despite the implications of these changes, the subject is among the least conceptualized. By applying a theory-guided process-tracing (TGPT) methodology, this paper examines the process of change at the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). It advances a constructivist argument and evaluates whether this change could be viewed as a norm-driven change, where norms of corporate social responsibility (CSR), in the process of interaction and learning, have obtained an intersubjective quality and redefined the role of the private sector in the context of organization’s objectives. The paper evaluates this argument in light of the alternative assumptions of the principal-agent model, the bureaucratic culture literature, and rational choice institutionalism. It highlights the implications of this research in empirical, analytical, and theoretical terms for further studies and concludes that, without a due assessment of the intervening effect of norms on policies, the causal claims of other theories are seriously challenged.

Across four self-contained essays, this dissertation seeks to identify which features make international organizations (IOs) effective peacemakers in modern civil wars. The first essay introduces an original dataset on the institutional design of 21 peace-brokering IOs between 1945 and 2010. The second essay contains a statistical study of 122 IO civil war mediation episodes, examining how variation in institutional design affects outcomes. The third essay presents an in-depth case study, comparing interventions by the Arab League and the United Nations in Syria in 2011 and 2012. The fourth essay is a statistical examination of how IO member state biases influence mediation effectiveness. Overall, this dissertation demonstrates that the performance of peace-brokering IOs cannot be accurately evaluated without taking institutional variation into account. IOs display considerable heterogeneity in de­sign and capabili­ties and this variation has implications for the nature and effectiveness of IO interventions. Quantitative evidence reveals that IOs with strongly centralized instruments for supporting mediation and, in particular, peacekeeping operations are more likely to end civil wars. Qualitative evidence shows that IOs with such capabilities can engage in interventions of greater scope and credibility, enhancing their ability to shape the calculations of civil war disputants. Combined, the studies suggest that although institutional capabilities are necessary for sustained intervention effectiveness, they are conditioned on other organizational attributes. IOs with high preference homogeneity can signal intervention durability, giving them an edge over IOs with divided memberships. IOs that contain member states that have pro­vided direct support to civil war disputants outperform IOs that lack such member states. / <p>This dissertation consists of four self-contained essays dealing with different aspects of conflict management by international organizations.</p><p>Essay 4 previously appeared in 2014 as “Leanings and dealings: Exploring bias and trade leverage in civil war mediation by international organizations” (<em>International Negotiation, 19</em>(2), 315–342).</p>

107 p. / Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2012-12-17T18:57:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 elga_lessa.pdf: 321657 bytes, checksum: 81c35a146b8726912428c93676105827 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-12-17T18:57:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 elga_lessa.pdf: 321657 bytes, checksum: 81c35a146b8726912428c93676105827 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / O presente trabalho analisa a inserção de políticas públicas étnicas voltadas para terreiros de candomblé na agenda brasileira, analisando, particularmente, a influência das organizações intergovernamentais e dos movimentos sociais nesse processo. Para perceber as mudanças que se operaram na formulação de políticas relacionadas à temática, foi enfatizada a importância da realização da Conferência de Durban, em 2001, como grande marco representativo para construção de um novo consenso no qual a ideia de uma humanidade abstrata e universal cede espaço para a defesa de direitos de uma sociedade multicultural. A partir da realização da referida Conferência, foi possível identificar mais claramente a existência de uma agenda étnica brasileira, da qual se desdobra a agenda para terreiros de candomblé e cuja aderência se deu em grande parte pelo discurso propugnado pelo movimento negro. Mesmo com a constatação da existência da agenda étnica, a análise das ações empreendidas revelou a impossibilidade de seu enquadramento como políticas públicas, tendo em vista a ausência de um propósito de maior relevância ou a continuidade dessas ações. Apesar de não classificá-las como políticas públicas, a dissertação é finalizada com o entendimento de que a formação da agenda étnica é uma etapa de um ciclo da política pública, que para ter seu ciclo concluído necessita de uma maior participação dos terreiros na arena política. / Salvador

Nowadays, organizations are shifting towards project-based management strategies in order to implement more flexible structures that allow them to respond and compete in complex business environments. In this way, project management has been regarded as a valuable competence, providing the organization and its management teams the opportunity to adapt the knowledge, skills and tools necessary to meet project requirements as well as organizational goals. Among the wide array of decisions project managers have to evaluate project selection (PS) and project prioritization (PP) are crucial in order to maximize stakeholder’s value through the effective management and allocation of resources to projects that are in alignment with the organization’s strategic objectives. Moreover, the integration of management techniques, guidelines and practices has also become a necessity for intergovernmental (IGOs) and non-profit organizations (NPOs), especially because they do not possess a conventional bottom line and in most instances, their main goal is rarely profit maximization. Although the main objective of operations of IGOs and NPOs is also success, this is difficult to be defined and evaluated. As a matter of fact, studies related to project management in IGOs and NPOs argue that the literature available has ignored the public good sector to a great extent, since the majority of the portfolio management tools available are tailored for commercial and for-profit organizations (FPOs). Consequently, this study explores the project portfolio management (PPM) process in intergovernmental and non-profit organizations focusing specifically on the decision-making process regarding project selection and prioritization. It provides an understanding of the main criteria these organizations take into consideration when selecting and prioritizing projects and the impact these methodologies have in terms of achieving project and organizational success. In addition, it examines the role of the project management office (PMO) and individual project managers based on their influence on the decisions concerning project selection and prioritization, as well as project success and organizational success. The key findings of this study confirm the relevance of the priorities determined by the main stakeholders as one of the principal criteria for project selection, followed by the allocation of funding and resources and the need for strategic alignment. Furthermore, in terms of determining a ranking among the selection criteria, this study has found that within these organizations all the different requirements encompassed in the selection process should be treated as equal. Additionally, it has been possible to determine that for intergovernmental and non-profit organizations the project selection and project prioritization phases are not isolated from one another; and are in fact treated as on single criteria. Conversely, the findings of this study contradict the proposition that the project management office is highly influential in the decision-making process of IGOs and IGOs; however, it emphasizes the role of the project manager in project and organizational success as highly valuable since they possess the hard and soft project management skills that increase the chances to achieve the organizational goals.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This paper seeks to answer the theoretical question: Do international organizations (IOs) bring peace and stability to international relations? The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) serves as a case study which can help answer this query. Initially, it is important to explore what realist and liberal scholars broadly argue on the matter of IOs, peace and stability. NATO as an organization is then examined, followed by the case study of the role it played in the Ukraine crisis. Many international organizations exist today which deal with a wide variety of issues. The League of Nations, though it failed to fulfill its mandate of maintaining worldwide peace, can be considered the first modern international organization and served as the model for its successor, the United Nations. Realists—who argue that states are the principal actor in international relations (IR) and that they are self-interested and mainly concerned with security and power—look upon IOs skeptically. Liberals, though, believe in cooperation among states and promote the proliferation of international organizations, extolling their virtues. The heated debate between these two ideologies is evident in the case of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) eastward expansion. NATO was originally designed to curb the Soviet threat and protect Western Europe from communist expansion. When the Cold War ended and NATO’s original mandate had therefore expired, liberals championed the continued existence and expansion of the organization. Realists, on the other hand, warned of negative repercussions, as they foresaw that eastward expansion of the alliance would be perceived as a threat by Russia. The 2014 Ukraine crisis provides a good case study which can help determine whether liberals or realists were right. Liberals have claimed that Russian aggression in the region justifies NATO expansion. Realists, however, have argued that it is the very fact of actual and prospective NATO expansion which has caused this aggression in the first place.