This study aimed at evaluating the effectiveness of the 2011 to 2012 famine response in Somalia in saving lives and livelihoods, offering livelihood opportunities, supporting quick recovery and complying with accountability standards in the delivery of humanitarian assistance. Understanding the performance and effectiveness of the humanitarian response to emergencies such as the 2011 to 2012 famine in Somalia is important for managing similar large-scale disasters which tend to be more frequent than ever before. It is also vital for addressing the chronic food insecurity in sub-Saharan Africa. The study was conducted in the Dolow district, Gedo region, Somalia. The study was largely rooted in the qualitative paradigm even though quantitative methodologies were employed to explain certain aspects in order to adequately answer some of the research questions. The case study approach was employed to conduct this study and achieve the research objectives. Despite the need for more evidence-based and local community-driven response to droughts, the 2011 to 2012 famine response was largely relevant to meet the priority needs of affected populations. The response was too late to prevent the death of hundreds of thousands and the suffering of millions of people and the response had to struggle for quite some time to stabilise and reverse a devastating situation. Although the response was not adequate to cover the needs of all affected populations, it had a commendable impact by saving the lives of malnourished children and mothers; minimising suffering from lack of food, water and shelter; restoring livelihoods for host communities; and creating livelihood opportunities for internally displaced families. Compliance with the NGO Code of Conduct and the application of Sphere standards were fair. Strong accountability mechanisms are required to ensure effective beneficiary targeting and curb aid diversion. The beneficiaries of the response stated that they are equally vulnerable to droughts despite an increase in income and agricultural production as a result of the response. Long-term livelihood projects that address structural vulnerabilities and create multipleincome sources are essential for strengthening resilience to droughts. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Submitted by LUIS PAULO DE ALMEIDA null (pauloalmeidars@gmail.com) on 2016-10-17T19:40:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LUIS PAULO_final final.pdf: 3936327 bytes, checksum: b41fc43cdeafd9e8f2311e5259d9b6a2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-10-21T16:36:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 almeida_lp_me_ippri.pdf: 3936327 bytes, checksum: b41fc43cdeafd9e8f2311e5259d9b6a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-21T16:36:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 almeida_lp_me_ippri.pdf: 3936327 bytes, checksum: b41fc43cdeafd9e8f2311e5259d9b6a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-24 / Este trabalho aborda as ajudas alimentares enviadas ao Haiti. A gravitação entre os momentos de crise humanitária e a consolidação de uma política permanente de envios de alimentos, mesmo quando o país não está em crise alimentaria. Discute as relações históricas da Comunidade Internacional com o Haiti, o tensionamento gerado pelas seguidas intervenções, sejam políticas, econômicas, militares ou humanitárias. Há mais de 200 anos, as políticas da Comunidade Internacional têm fracassado. São incontáveis as ONGs e os projetos comunitários desenvolvidos nas comunidades, a imensa maioria sem resultados convincentes. Há duas questões a refletir: a primeira aponta que o Ocidente nunca aprendeu a trabalhar com os haitianos; já a segunda questão se refere ao Haiti que aparece como comércio, mas gerando renda para as instituições que desenvolvem seus projetos, sobretudo, com o mercado de alimentos das empresas transnacionais do setor. Os camponeses sofrem com o isolamento do Estado, buscam na cultura e na religiosidade a força e resistência para seguir existindo. Os desafios dos movimentos populares contemporâneos estão na unidade nacional, na mobilização da massa camponesa, no plantear da reorganização da estrutura agrária para salvar o meio ambiente e o campesinato, no criar um projeto nacional que proteja a produção local, que aponte para a soberania alimentar, que combata as políticas de importação dos alimentos que podem ser produzidos no país, assim como as ajudas alimentares que, na melhor das hipóteses, cumprem o papel de caridade, jamais de soberania nacional. / This work is about the food help send to Haiti. The gravitation between moments of humanitarian crisis and the consolidation of a permanent politic of sending food even when the country is not on crisis. Talk about the historical relations between the International Community and Haiti, the tensions generated for the interventions, those political, economical, military or humanitarian. For the last 200 years that politic of International Community has fail. There are uncountable numbers of NGOs and community projects, most of them without positive results. There are two ways to think about this question, the first points that the Occident never learn to work with Haitians; the second points Haiti as a big market, creating profit for the institutions that runs the projects, most of them as a market for the transnational corporations of the sector. The peasants suffers with lack State presence, and search on culture and religiosity the strength to keep existing. The challenges of popular movements are: the national unity, the peasant mass mobilizations, how to reorganize the agrarian structure to save the environment and the peasants, to construct a national project that protects the local production towards food sovereignty, and go against the politics of importation of food that can be produced in the country, and the food help politics, that only serve as charity not to build national sovereignty.

Orientador: Silvia Beatriz Adoue / Resumo: Este trabalho aborda as ajudas alimentares enviadas ao Haiti. A gravitação entre os momentos de crise humanitária e a consolidação de uma política permanente de envios de alimentos, mesmo quando o país não está em crise alimentaria. Discute as relações históricas da Comunidade Internacional com o Haiti, o tensionamento gerado pelas seguidas intervenções, sejam políticas, econômicas, militares ou humanitárias. Há mais de 200 anos, as políticas da Comunidade Internacional têm fracassado. São incontáveis as ONGs e os projetos comunitários desenvolvidos nas comunidades, a imensa maioria sem resultados convincentes. Há duas questões a refletir: a primeira aponta que o Ocidente nunca aprendeu a trabalhar com os haitianos; já a segunda questão se refere ao Haiti que aparece como comércio, mas gerando renda para as instituições que desenvolvem seus projetos, sobretudo, com o mercado de alimentos das empresas transnacionais do setor. Os camponeses sofrem com o isolamento do Estado, buscam na cultura e na religiosidade a força e resistência para seguir existindo. Os desafios dos movimentos populares contemporâneos estão na unidade nacional, na mobilização da massa camponesa, no plantear da reorganização da estrutura agrária para salvar o meio ambiente e o campesinato, no criar um projeto nacional que proteja a produção local, que aponte para a soberania alimentar, que combata as políticas de importação dos alimentos que podem ser produzidos no país, assim como as ajudas alimentares que... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Mestre

No description available.

Throughout history, recurring instances of genocide have subjected specific groups and minorities to severe human rights violations. The most significant aspect of genocide is the international community's response, which often proves ineffective due to delayed reactions and self-interest. Currently, the Uyghur genocide is unfolding, with millions of innocent Uyghur Muslims enduring arbitrary detentions and being labeled as terrorists by the People's Republic of China (PRC). This thesis aims to investigate the discursive strategies employed by the international community when discussing the human rights abuses targeting the Uyghur minority in Xingang. Additionally, it will analyze China's response to the international backlash and its utilization of sophisticated discursive methods. Through a discourse analysis and a theoretical framework rooted in poststructuralism, incorporating concepts of discourse and deconstruction, both perspectives will be critically examined and compared.

This study aims to critically understand the involvement of external actors, most notably Kenya and Ethiopia in the Somali conflict. It also aims to discuss peace prospect for Somalia in consideration with regional interest. Adopting Mary Kaldor’s “New War” theory that explains the changing context and transnational character of wars in the new era, and Michael E. Brown’s concept of causes and Regional Dimensions of Internal Conflict in combination with applied peace and conflict research method, the study finds that the involvement of neighbouring states, particularly Kenya and Ethiopia, in the Somali conflict is necessitated by the “spill-over” effect of the internal conflict coupled with transnational threats posed to their national security by various local and international actors. Furthermore, the study reveals that Somalia’s conflict hosts a variety of politically, religiously and militarily motivated external actors, who also openly vowed to internationalize their activities. As a result, the connections between local actors in Somalia and terrorist groups operating elsewhere, but cooperating with them, have become a source of continuous instability to Somalia, the eastern African region and beyond. This situation makes an international action imperative as the prospect for peace in Somalia is still in place. Thus, in order to to end wars and create a durable peace in Somalia, this study suggests Michael E. Brown’s ‘co-optation’ and ‘neutralization’ strategies along with an extensive international efforts including humanitarian assistance and local institutions building, which may help to restore peace, rule of law and ensure long term stability in Somalia.

This thesis embarks on efforts to understand how effective is multiculturalism in addressing ethnic cleavages in post-conflict societies. Kosovo, as a post-socialist and post-war country, is the particular case analyzed in order to understand how multiculturalist policies have in the last fifteen years affected interethnic relations in the country. By embarking on a case study approach, I use two main methods, interviewing and document analysis, as a means of triangulation to reinforce the arguments used in the analysis and interpretation of data. Liberal multiculturalism as elaborated by Kymlicka is the theoretical model which is used continuously to give meaning to the empirical data analyzed. The success of multiculturalism is approached in two respects: first, I look at what went wrong during the implementation of such multicultural policies, namely, the approach of international community in addressing interethnic relations through the introduction of group-rights. Secondly, I look specifically at the elements of liberal multiculturalism and how did they affect interethnic relations for the last fifteen years. The thesis shows a shared blame for the persisting fragility of interethnic relations in Kosovo both to the approach of the international community, as well as to the multiculturalist model itself.

The history of mankind has been plagued by an almost continuous chain of various armed conflicts - local, regional, national and global - that have caused horrendous damage to the social and physical fabric of cities. The tragedy of millions deprived by war still continues. This study sets out to understand the nature of reconstruction after war in the light of recent armed conflicts. It attempts to catalogue and discuss the tasks involved in the process of reconstruction planning by establishing a conceptual framework of the main issues in the reconstruction process. The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina is examined in detail and on the whole acts as the leit-motif of the whole dissertation and positions reconstruction in the broader context of sustainable development. The study is organized into two parts that constitute the doctoral aggregate dissertation – a combining of papers with an introductory monograph. In this case the introductory monograph is an extended one and there are six papers that follow. Both sections can be read on their own merits but also constitute one entity. The rebuilding of war-devastated countries and communities can be seen as a series of nonintegrated activities carried out (and often imposed) by international agencies and governments, serving political and other agendas. The result is that calamities of war are often accompanied by the calamities of reconstruction without any regard to sustainable development. The body of knowledge related to post-conflict reconstruction lacks a strong and cohesive theory. In order to better understand the process of reconstruction we present a qualitative inquiry based on the Grounded Theory Method developed originally by Barney Glaser and Anselm Strauss (1967). This approach utilizes a complex conceptualization with empirical evidence to produce theoretical structure. The results of process have evolved into the development of a conceptual model, called SCOPE (Sustainable Communities in Post-conflict Environments). This study proposes both a structure within which to examine post-conflict reconstruction and provides an implementation method. We propose to use the SCOPE model as a set of strategy, policy and program recommendations to assist the international community and all relevant decision-makers to ensure that the destruction and carnage of war does not have to be followed by a disaster of post-conflict reconstruction. We also offer to provide a new foundation and paradigm on post-conflict reconstruction, which incorporates and integrates a number of approaches into a multidisciplinary and systems thinking manner in order to better understand the complexity and dependencies of issues at hand. We believe that such a systems approach could better be able to incorporate the complexities involved and would offer much better results than the approaches currently in use. The final section of this study returns to the fact that although it is probably impossible to produce universal answers, we desperately need to find commonalities amongst different postconflict reconstruction settings in order to better deal with the reconstruction planning in a more dynamic, proactive, and sustainable manner. / <p>QC 20111014</p>

<p>This study explores different actors’ perceptions on how the democratization process is being influenced in Kosovo. It is based upon empirical facts gathered during a field study in Kosovo. The material was mainly gathered through interviews with different representatives from international organizations present in Kosovo and with members of the Kosovar political elite.</p><p>The theoretical standpoint in the study draws on the theory of polyarchy for defining the concept of democracy, and the two-level game. The interaction between domestic and international actors within the democratization process is highlighted.</p><p>The conclusions are that different actors are influencing the ongoing democratization process in Kosovo, mainly international external ones acting in several ways and on different levels. This influence is considered by the international community and the domestic political elite to be necessary both for the continued development of democracy and for the preservation of stability. However as the influence has more or less become institutionalized, problems occur when responsibility is handed over to domestic authorities without accountability being made clear.</p>

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / The theme of this thesis - "INEQUALITY, POVERTY AND GOVERNANCE: AN AGENDA FOR EAST TIMOR" - stems from an interest to assess the influence of key-actors - NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System - in policy development, in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts; in particular we search for solutions to deal with the problem of how to evaluate governance, policies and the development path in countries without reliable and structured data. This research animes to contribute to the debate on the influence of NGOs, national governments and the United Nations System on issues concerning governance, sustainable development and environment issues in developing countries that emerge from conflict featuring unconsolidated democracies; We analysed the case of East Timor, between 1999 and 2012, on issues related to social, gender and income inequality and a variety of global issues like climate change and poverty levels, based on the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The theoretical and methodological basis of this study was Melucci (1991). Notwithstanding this study is stakeholder-oriented based on inter- and transdisciplinary research, on multi-level and participatory governance theories and political philosophy, with focus on horizontal and environmental policy integration and processes as well as questions of legitimacy, accountability and sustainability based on the analysis of secondary sources (text, numbers, images, etc.) and collection of primary empirical data in the field, in 2012, for policy analysis in different contexts - a necessary step due to the fragility and often lack of reliable data and audited information. We analysed official documents and reports such key UN-resolutions, the Timor-Leste National Development Plan (NDP), the Millennium Development Goals Reports (MDGs), Human Development Reports (HDR), Evolution of the Human Development Index (HDI), scientific articles and several technical reports released by development agencies such as ABD, FAO, UNDP and others. We observed a huge discrepancy between rhetoric and practice concerning the key-actors participation as well as noticeable flaws in policy conduction at various levels. Transparency levels are incredibly low and it permeates all levels of the government. The impression one gets is that there was an interest in promoting the pacification process to enable foreign companies to extract oil at low risk, while issues related to governance, accountability and transparency were neglected. It is argued that such challenges were less a matter of rules and regulations then basic approaches, attitudes and power relations. It is possible that these key-actors, in general, did not succeed in find ways to change their approach during the years of stabilization; with little or no progress on issues related to human development, poverty and inequality reduction. Instead of fostering the development of a viable and autonomous civil society its results have demonstrated the depletion of a model of development that on one hand was efficient on the pacification process while on the other hand have failed in the promotion of opportunities, governance and sustainable development. Finally, we conclude that socioeconomic peculiarities and policies adopted in developing countries that emerge from serious conflicts should not be seeing as specific procedural and institutional factors replicable from stabilized societies, it is necessary to draw up a better database and a set of analysis tools based on the peculiar conditions of developing countries emerging from different forms of conflict focusing on mechanisms that promote good governance, transparency and accountability. As final considerations, to support Timor-Lesteâs sustainable development policies, we point out the need to relativize the implementation of criteria considered necessary for good governance, establish a hierarchy over time and across priorities in development programs and projects, which must be guided by the specificities of particular contexts. / O tema desta tese - "Desigualdade, pobreza e governanÃa: uma agenda para Timor-Leste" - decorre do interesse em avaliar a influÃncia de atores-chave - ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das NaÃÃes Unidas - no desenvolvimento de polÃticas, em paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos graves; em particular, procurar soluÃÃes para lidar com o problema de como avaliar polÃticas de governanÃa, e trajetÃrias de desenvolvimento em paÃses sem base de dados confiÃveis e estruturados. Esta pesquisa buscou contribuir para o debate sobre a influÃncia das ONGs, governos nacionais e do Sistema das NaÃÃes Unidas sobre questÃes relacionadas a governanÃa, desenvolvimento sustentÃvel e questÃes ambientais em paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de conflitos configurando democracias nÃo-consolidadas; Analisamos o caso de Timor-Leste entre 1999 e 2012 com relaÃÃo a questÃes socioeconÃmicas, desigualdade de gÃnero de renda e uma variedade de questÃes globais como mudanÃas climÃticas e nÃveis de pobreza, com base nos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do MilÃnio (ODM). A base teÃrica e metodolÃgica deste estudo foi Melucci (1991). Entretanto, este estudo à "stakeholder-orientado", baseado em investigaÃÃo interdisciplinar e transdisciplinar, em multi-nÃvel com base em teorias de governanÃa participativa e filosofia polÃtica, com foco na integraÃÃo horizontal de processos de ordem polÃtica e ambiental, bem como questÃes de legitimidade, prestaÃÃo de contas e sustentabilidade com base na anÃlise de fontes secundÃrias (texto, nÃmeros, imagens, etc.) e de recolha de dados empÃricos primÃrias no campo em Timor-Leste, em 2012, para a anÃlise de polÃticas em diferentes contextos - um passo necessÃrio devido à fragilidade e muitas vezes a falta de dados confiÃveis e informaÃÃes auditadas. Foram analisados documentos oficiais e relatÃrios-chaves baseados em resoluÃÃes da ONU, o Plano de Timor-Leste Desenvolvimento Nacional (PDN), os RelatÃrios sobre os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do MilÃnio (ODM), RelatÃrios de Desenvolvimento Humano (HDR), EvoluÃÃo do Ãndice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH), artigos cientÃficos e vÃrios relatÃrios tÃcnicos divulgados por agÃncias de desenvolvimento, como a ABD, FAO, PNUD e outros. Foi observado uma enorme discrepÃncia entre a retÃrica e a prÃtica relativa à participaÃÃo atores-chave, bem como falhas visÃveis na conduÃÃo polÃtica em vÃrios nÃveis. Os nÃveis de transparÃncia sÃo reduzidos e, isso permeia todas as Ãreas do governo. A impressÃo que se tem à que houve interesse em promover o processo de pacificaÃÃo para permitir que as companhias estrangeiras pudessem extrair petrÃleo com baixo risco, enquanto que as questÃes relacionadas à governanÃa, à responsabilidade e à transparÃncia foram negligenciadas. Argumenta-se que esses desafios foram menos uma questÃo de regras e regulamentos do que abordagens bÃsicas, atitudes e relaÃÃes de poder. à possÃvel que estes atores-chave, em geral, nÃo tenham conseguido mudar suas abordagens durante os anos de estabilizaÃÃo, com rarefeito progresso em questÃes relacionadas com o desenvolvimento humano, e a reduÃÃo da pobreza e desigualdade. Ao invÃs de fomentar o desenvolvimento de uma sociedade civil viÃvel e autÃnoma, os resultados tÃm demonstrado o esgotamento de um modelo de desenvolvimento que, se por um lado eficiente na pacificaÃÃo falhou na promoÃÃo de oportunidades, governanÃa e desenvolvimento sustentÃvel. Por fim, concluÃmos que peculiaridades socioeconÃmicas e polÃticas adotadas em paÃses em desenvolvimento, que emergem de conflitos graves, nÃo devem ser vistas como fatores processuais e institucionais replicÃveis de sociedades estabilizadas, à necessÃrio elaborar uma melhor base de dados e um conjunto de ferramentas de anÃlise com base nas condiÃÃes peculiares dos paÃses em desenvolvimento que emergem de diferentes formas de conflito com foco em mecanismos que promovam a boa governanÃa, transparÃncia e prestaÃÃo de contas. Como consideraÃÃes finais, para apoiar polÃticas de desenvolvimento sustentÃvel em Timor-Leste e em paÃses similares, destacamos a necessidade de relativizar a implementaÃÃo de critÃrios considerados necessÃrios para a boa governanÃa, estabelecer uma hierarquia ao longo do tempo, em funÃÃo das prioridades, em programas e projetos de desenvolvimento, que devem ser guiados pelas especificidades de contextos particulares.