This thesis concerns languages in the Greater Hindukush, the area in northern Afghanistan and Pakistan, where a total of about 50 languages are spoken. The thesis’ topic is case systems and case alignment systems of nouns in an areal-typological perspective. This is investigated by using a representative sample. The grammatical relations of S, A and P, and the cases marking these, are investigated. The three attested alignment systems are accusative, ergative and split, and are clearly geogra-phically distributed, which indicates that their status is areal-typological. Based on the sample, there seems to be a tendency for the languages in the Greater Hindukush to exhibit split align-ment systems built on tense-aspect. Most languages employ accusative alignment in imperfect-tive, and ergative alignment in perfective tense-aspects. A compa­rison with a worldwide sample (WALS) is only partly possible, as this sample uses more categories than accusative, ergative and split, but the present sample supports the results in those categories which can be compared. A predominant pattern in core case syncretism is observed, with an opposition of the nomi­native singular versus the nominative plural and the oblique in both numbers. / Denna uppsats behandlar språk i Hindukush i norra Afghanistan och Pakistan, där sammanlagt ca 50 språk talas. Ämnet för studien är kasussystem och kasusmarkeringssystem vid substantiv ur ett areal­typologiskt perspektiv, vilket undersöks utifrån grammatikor i ett representativt urval av språken. De grammatiska relationerna mellan S, A och P och de kasus som markerar dessa under­­söks. Belagda kasusmarkeringssystem är ackusativ- och ergativsystem samt kluvet system. Systemen uppvisar en distinkt geografisk distribution, vilket antyder att kasusmarkeringssystemen är ett arealtypologiskt drag. Vidare pekar resultaten på ett kluvet system baserat på klyvning i tempus-aspekt som det dominerande kasusmarkeringssystemet i Hindukush. De flesta av språken använder ett ackusativt kasusmarkeringssystem i imperfektiva, och ett ergativt kasusmarke-ringssystem i perfektiva tempus-aspekt. En jämförelse med ett globalt sampel (WALS) är bara till viss del möjlig, eftersom studien i WALS använder fler kategorier än ackusativa, ergativa och kluvna system, men den här studien bekräftar resultaten i de kategorier som kan jämföras. Ett dominerande mönster för kärnkasussynkretism kan observeras, med sammanfall av nominativ plural och oblik i båda numerus. / Språkkontakt och språksläktskap i Hindukushregionen, Vetenskapsrådet, Projektnummer: 421-2014-631

Étant donné la croissance progressive du rôle du gouvernement dans la plupart des activités de la vie sociale et économique d'aujourd'hui, il existe bien évidemment plusieurs préoccupations pour trouver les moyens efficaces qui permettent de contrôler les pouvoir excessifs des administrations publiques. Si dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle, rares étaient les cas dans lesquels l'un des aspects des droits de la défense était respecté, le juge français a dans un siècle reconnu ces droits comme principe général du droit devant être respecté même en l'absence de texte. Contrairement à la France, l'histoire de jeune droit administratif iranien démontre bien que la formation des règles concernant les droits de la défense était trop difficile. Aussi bien en France qu'en Iran, il est aujourd'hui difficile de trouver des échappatoires à ce principe. Au demeurant et par le biais de la motivation, le juge sera mieux à même d'apprécier les circonstances d'une décision défavorable. L'administré a certes le droit de se faire assister d'un représentant ou d'un avocat de son choix, pour présenter efficacement sa défense. Il faut que toute personne, française ou iranienne, soit à même d'accéder aux documents administratifs la concernant. Il importe que les documents non-communicables soient strictement déterminés. Que ce soit en France ou en Iran, le rôle de la transparence est devenu de plus en plus remarquable, à l'égard de l'efficacité des administrations. Ainsi, la motivation en tant qu'aspect essentiel des droits de la défense pourra favoriser l'atteindre de cet objectif. En France comme en Iran, lorsque l'autorité administrative prend une décision défavorable sans que l'intéressé soit préalablement entendu et en connaisse les motifs, cette décision est entachée d'illégalité et l'administré peut demander l'annulation pour excès de pouvoir. Si avant, il n'était même pas possible de faire reconnaître la responsabilité de l'administration, il est, aujourd'hui et sous certaines conditions, loisible de solliciter la réparation de la violation des droits de la défense, par le biais des évolutions du droit administratif. / Given the progressive growth of the role of government in most activities of today's social and economic life, there are evidently several concerns about finding effective ways to control the excessive power of public administrations. If in the first half of the nineteenth century, there were few cases in which one of the aspects of the rights of defense was respected, in a century, the French judge has recognized these rights as a general principle of law that must be respected even in the absence of a text. Unlike France, the history of young Iranian administrative law shows that the formation of rules concerning the rights of the defense was too difficult. In France as well as in Iran, it is now difficult to find loopholes to this principle. Moreover, through the motivation, the judge will be better able to appreciate the circumstances of an unfavorable decision. The person concerned has the right to be assisted by a representative or a lawyer of his choice, to effectively present his defense. It is also necessary that any person, French or Iranian, be able to access the administrative documents concerning him. In this regard, it is important that non-communicable documents be strictly determined. Whether in France or in Iran, the role of transparency has become more and more remarkable with regard to the efficiency of administrations. Thus, motivation as an essential aspect of the rights of defense may promote this objective. In France as in Iran, when the administrative authority makes an unfavorable decision without the interested party being first heard and knows the reasons, this decision is tainted by illegality and the person concerned can ask for the annulment of ultra vires. If before, it was not even possible to recognize the responsibility of the administration, today and under certain conditions, it is permissible to seek compensation for the violation of the rights of defense, through the evolutions of administrative law.

Russia and Iran have been subject to mutual influence since the reign of Shah Abbas I (1588-1629). For most of the time this relationship was not one of equals: since the early nineteenth century and lasting at least until 1946, Russia and then the USSR, in strong competition with Britain, had been gradually, and for the most part steadily, increasing its political, cultural and economic influence within Iran up to very high levels. Nevertheless, the history of Russian/Soviet-Iranian relations still remains understudied, particularly in English-language scholarship. One of the main reasons for this gap must be sought in the hampered access of Western researchers to Russian archives during the Soviet time, which made them draw on Russian-language literature, traditionally pre-occupied with the history of social movements, and with the mechanical retelling of political and economic processes. Thus the cultural and political ties of the two countries on institutional and individual levels (especially during the period surrounding 1917), the influence of Russia, and then of the USSR, on Iran and vice versa, in political, economic and cultural spheres through the activities of individuals, as well as the methods and tools used by the “Big Northern neighbour” during the execution of its foreign policy towards Iran did not receive proper attention, and thus lack detailed analysis. This research addresses the lack of detailed analysis of the power/knowledge nexus in relation to Russia’s Persian/Iranian Studies – the largest and most influential sub-domain within Russia’s Oriental Studies during the late Imperial and the early Soviet periods. The specific focus of this study is the involvement of Russian ‘civilian’ (academic) and ‘practical’ (military officers, diplomats, and missionaries) Persian Studies scholarship in Russian foreign policy towards Persia/Iran from the end of the nineteenth century up to 1941 – a period witnessing some of the most crucial events in the history of both countries. It is during this period that Persia/Iran was the pivot of Russia’s Eastern foreign policy but at the same time almost every significant development inside Russia as well as in her Western policies also had an immediate impact on this country – the state of affairs that ultimately culminated in the second Soviet invasion of Iran in 1941. My thesis is based on extensive research in eleven important political, military and academic archives of Russia and Georgia, which allowed me to consult a significant amount of hitherto unpublished, often still unprocessed and only recently declassified, primary sources. While engaging with notions such as Orientalism, my analysis aims at transcending Edward Said’s concept of a mere complicity of knowledge with imperial power. My theoretical approach builds on Michel Foucault’s conceptualisation of the interplay of power/knowledge relations, his notion of discourse, and his writings on the role of the intellectual. While demonstrating the full applicability of the Foucauldian model to the Russian case through the study of the power/knowledge nexus in late Imperial and early Soviet Russia’s Persian Studies, or Iranology, I focus on the activities of scholars and experts within their own professional domains and analyse what motivated them and how their own views, beliefs and intentions correlated with their work, how their activities were influenced by the hegemonic discourses within Russian society. I analyse the interaction of these intellectuals with state structures and their participation in the process of shaping and conducting foreign policy towards Iran, both as part of the Russian scholarly community as a whole and as individuals on the personal level. For the first time my work explores at such level of detail the specific institutional practices of Russia’s Oriental Studies, including the organisation of scholarly intelligence networks, the taking advantage of state power for the promotion of institutional interests, the profound engagement with Russia’s domestic and foreign policy discourses of the time, etc. In addition, the thesis presents a detailed assessment of the organisation of Iranology as a leading sub-domain within the broader scholarly field of Oriental Studies in the period from the end of the nineteenth century to 1941 and analyses the principles and mechanisms of its involvement in Russia’s foreign policy towards Persia/Iran.

This thesis examines how the press of the erstwhile German Democratic Republic represented Iran in the years from 1949 – the year of the GDR’s formation – until 1989, the last complete year before its demise on 3 October 1990. The study focuses on key events in Iranian history such as the overthrow of the Mossadegh government in 1953, the White Revolution, the Islamic Revolution of 1979, and the Iran-Iraq war. It will be shown that although news and articles were based on selected facts, they still presented a picture of Iran that was at best distorted, the distortions and misrepresentations amounting to what could be described as 'factual fiction'. Furthermore, clear evidence will be provided that economical and political relations with Iran were a primary concern of the GDR’s leadership, and thus also of the GDR’s press and have therefore dominated the reporting on Iran. Whatever ideological concerns there may have been, they were hardly ever allowed to get in the way of amicable relations with the Shah or later with the Islamic Republic. Only in periods where the two countries enjoyed less amicable or poor relations, was the press free to critically report events in Iran and to openly support the cause of the SED’s communist Iranian sister party, the Tudeh. Despite East Germany’s diametric ideological environment and despite the fundamentally different role that the GDR’s political system had assigned to the press and to journalism, East Germany’s press was as reliant on the input of the global news agencies as any Western media. The at times almost complete reliance on Western news agencies as sources for news on Iran challenged more than just the hermeneutic hegemony the SED and the GDR’s press wanted to establish. After all, which news and information were made available by the news agencies to the media in both East and West was primarily determined by the business interests of said agencies. The study makes a contribution to three fields: Modern Iranian history, (East-) German history and media studies. The most valid findings were certainly made in the latter.

Cette thèse étudie la représentation de l’Iran contemporain à travers le discours des chaînes d’information en continu arabes et occidentales. L’étude des chaînes d’information en continu est une excellente occasion d’analyser les différentes représentations de l’Autre en étudiant comment ces chaînes construisent différentes représentations des identités à travers des stéréotypes et un contraste idéologique réducteur entre «nous» et «eux». La problématique de cette recherche repose sur l'analyse comparative du discours des chaînes de télévisions transnationales (BBC, CNN et France 24, comme des chaînes occidentales et des chaînes Al-Jazeera et Al-Arabiya comme des chaînes arabes), et leurs façons de représenter, parmi les évènements du monde, l'Autre, en l'occurrence l'identité iranienne. Les médias transnationaux produisent et distribuent des nouvelles, des images et des contenus symboliques relatifs aux problèmes que les téléspectateurs auraient, principalement voire exclusivement appris auparavant (ou pas), à partir de leurs médias nationaux. L’étude de la représentation de l'Autre, est un modèle utile qui cherche à exposer d’une façon scientifique les routines du processus de représentation des médias et la dynamique sous-jacente du pouvoir des représentations télévisuelles de l'Autre. Ce qui précédait cette ère de la postmodernité était l’enfermement du regard médiatique dans les frontières des Nations ou bien des empires coloniaux. La globalisation a introduit l’Autre au cœur même du local. Les représentations stéréotypées et les images de l’Iran dans les journaux télévisés et les émissions des chaînes semblent rétablir les distances spatiales, politiques et socio-culturelles entre les pays et semblent reproduire la supériorité occidentale surtout pour les chaînes américaines. Les chaînes arabes sont axées sur une forte orientation religieuse, raciale et ethnique lors de leur couverture liée à l’Iran. L’information est influencée par le processus de cadrage. Le cadrage fait par des chaînes arabes et occidentales tend alors à refléter et à renforcer l'idéologie dominante du pays d’origine. Les résultats de l'étude soulignent que les nouvelles internationales peuvent être interprétées par une vue combinée, dans laquelle les influences de la propagande sur la couverture médiatique sont interconnectées avec le système des médias et des intérêts nationaux, et paradoxalement par l’ancrage dans le territoire local dépendant de l'idéologie dominante du pays. / This thesis examines the representation of contemporary Iran through the discourse of Arab and Western news channels. The study of news channels is an excellent opportunity to analyze the different representations of the Other by studying how these chains build different representations of identities through a reducing stereotypes and ideological contrast between "us" and "them ". The problem of this research is based on the comparative analysis of the discourse of transnational television channels (BBC, CNN, France 24, as Western channels and Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya as Arab channels), and ways of represent among the events of the world, the Other in this case the Iranian identity. Transnational media produce and distribute news, images and symbolic content related issues that viewers would primarily or exclusively learned before (or not) from their national media. The study of the representation of the Other, is a useful model that seeks to explain a scientific way routines process media representation and the underlying dynamics of the power of television representations of the Other. What preceded this era of postmodernity was enclosing the media look into the borders of Nations or colonial empires. Globalization has brought the Other at the heart of local. Stereotypical representations and images of Iran in the news and emissions chains seem restore spatial distances, political and socio-cultural relations between the countries and seem to reproduce Western superiority especially for U.S. channels. Arabic channels are based on a strong religious orientation, racial and ethnic in their coverage related to Iran. The information is influenced by the delineation process. Framing done by Arab and Western chains can be expected to reflect and reinforce the country of origin dominant ideology. The results of the study highlight that international news can be interpreted by a combined view, in which the influences of propaganda on media coverage are interconnected with the system of media and national interests, the territory under the dominant ideology of the country.

Au moment de l’élaboration du projet de la loi de la protection de la famille en 2007, il semblait exister un consensus général parmi les politiciens, les religieux, les universitaires et les activistes des droits de la femme, sur la nécessité de réformer les dispositions légales iraniennes concernant la famille. Pourtant, en dépit des attentes, la nouvelle L.P.F. a totalement maintenu la même structure de rapport entre les époux que celle qui avait été régie par les dispositions antérieures. Ces inégalités étant fondées sur le droit imamite, ont été justifiées depuis la fin des années 1960, par la théorie de non similitude exposée par Ayatollah Motahari. Selon la théorie de non similitude, du fait de leur différence de nature, l’homme et la femme ne peuvent pas avoir le même rôle : à la femme, le rôle de reproduction de la vie au sein de l’instance familiale, à l’homme la reproduction de la richesse afin de subvenir aux besoins de la famille. A travers l’étude des inégalités dans rapports personnels et patrimoniaux des époux, l’étude montre que cette division du travail n’assure pas une vie conjugale pacifique, digne et équilibrée. L’étude montre aussi que la protection matérielle de l’épouse dure uniquement durant la vie du mari. Par ailleurs, les mesures matérielles de protection théoriquement accordées à l’épouse, sont, en pratique, très difficiles à percevoir. En outre, cette compensation matérielle n’est pas suffisante pour réparer le dommage moral subi par celle-ci / At the time of drafting the family protection bill in 2007, there seemed to be a general consensus among politicians, religious, academics and women's rights activists on the need to revise the Iranian family law legislation. However, despite the anticipations, the new family protection law, has totally maintained the same structure of relation between the spouses as that which had been enacted in previous legislations. These inequalities, based on imamite law, have been justified since the end of the 1960s by the theory of non-similarity between man and woman, set forth by ayatollah Motahari. According to the theory of non-similarity, because of their difference in nature, men and women can not have the same tasks. To woman, the role of reproduction of life within the family; to man, the reproduction of wealth in order to provide for the needs of the family. But, the fact that several pecuniary relations between the spouses were affected by the new family protection law proves that from the point of view of the Iranian legislator, the balance which was supposed to dominate the relation between the spouses was disturbed. The study of inequalities in the personal and patrimonial relations of the spouses, the study shows that this division of task does not ensure a peaceful, dignified and balanced married life. The study also proves that the material protection of the wife lasts only during the life of the husband. On another note, the materiel protection measures that are theoretically granted to the wife, are practically very difficult to perceive. Furthermore, such material compensation is not sufficient to recompense for the non-pecuniary damage suffered by her

L’Asie du sud-ouest et en particulier le plateau iranien, au croisement de l’Afrique, de l’Europe et de l’Asie, constituent une région assez unique marquée par une histoire longue et diversifiée. Cet espace a souvent été considérée au Paléolithique moyen comme un lieu de passage d’hommes anatomiquement différents : Homo Sapiens et Neandertal. Mais pour plusieurs raisons, les chercheurs ont concentré leurs recherches sur la région du Levant et du Zagros. Le sud et l’est du pourtour de la Mer Caspienne sont en revanche nettement moins étudiés. Si le Moustérien du Proche-Orient est marqué par la prédominance de débitages de type Levallois, au-delà du Torus à l’ouest de la Caspienne, c'est-à-dire en Azerbaïdjan et en Géorgie, les industries lithiques se caractérisent par des pièces bifaciales dites micoquiennes. Dans ce contexte, que se passe-t-il à l'est et sud de la mer Caspienne entre ces deux grandes aires d’influence ? Une étude approfondie des outillages lithiques par une approche technologique et technofonctionnelle a été menée sur cinq assemblages d’Iran et du Turkménistan. Nous avons pu observer que si à l’est de la mer Caspienne la tradition bifaciale est bien attestée dans certaines industries turkmènes, elle regroupe des systèmes techniques variés. Ces éléments nous invitent donc à faire le lien avec d’autres « techno-complexes » jusqu’à présent moins connus. Il semblerait donc que le Turkménistan et l'est de l'Iran représentent un carrefour où différents complexes techniques ont pu se rencontrer. Cette diversité de systèmes techniques semble indiquer une complexité plus importante qu’attendue des dynamiques de peuplements pendant le Moustérien. C’est grâce à la mise en évidence de la variabilité technique que l’on tentera de percevoir et de reconstituer cesphénomènes de peuplements et la mobilité des groupes humains préhistoriques dans les espaces qu’ils ont occupés. / Southwest Asia and in particular the Iranian plateau, at the crossroads of Africa, Europe and Asia, constitute a rather unique area with a long and diversified history. In Middle Paleolithic, the whole region has often been considered as a place for passage of anatomically different humans: Homo Sapiens and Neanderthal. However, for several reasons, researchers focused their activities, on the region of Levant and Zagros, therefore the southern parts and the east of Caspian Sea are much less studied. As Mousterian of the near east region is marked by the predominance of Levalloisdebitages, in Torus region (regions in the west of Caspian Sea including current Azerbaijan and Georgia), the lithic industries are characterized by so-called Micoquian bifacial pieces. In this context, a very important question is what happened in the east and the south of Caspian Sea,between these two great areas of influence.A deep study of lithic tools has been conducted on five assemblages of Iran andTurkmenistan, by a technological and techno-functional approach. The obtained results show that if in the east of Caspian Sea the bifacial tradition is well attested in some Turkmen industries, it attests various technical systems. These elements lead us to make the link with the other "techno-complexes" so far less known. It would seem, therefore, that Turkmenistan and eastern Iran represent a crossroads where different techno-complexes could meet.This diversity of technical systems seems to indicate a complexity more than expected of dynamics of populations during Mousterian. Thanks to the demonstration of the technical variation, we will try to perceive and reconstruct these phenomena of populations, the mobility of prehistoric human groups, in the environment that they occupied. / جنوب غرب آسیا و به خصوص فلات ایران، در تقاطع قاره های آفریقا، اروپا و آسیا، منطقه ای نسبتا منحصر به فرد با تاریخی طولانی و متنوع را تشکیل می دهند. در طول دوره پارینه سنگی میانی، این منطقه اغلب به عنوان مکانی برای عبور گونه های مختلف انسان: انسان هوشمند باستانی و نئاندرتال در نظر گرفته شده است. با این حال، به دلایل مختلف، محققان اغلب در انجام فعالیت های علمی خود در منطقه لوانت و زاگرس متمرکز بوده اند بخش های شرقی دریای خزر بسیار کمتر مورد مطالعه قرار گرفته اند.اگر موسترین در منطقه خاورمیانه با تراشه برداری لوالوا عجین شده است، منطقه توروس در غرب دریای خزر (شامل آذربایجان و گرجستان کنونی) با قطعات دو طرفه از نوع میکوکین شناخته می شود. در این زمینه، سوال مهم مطرح این است که چه اتفاقی در شرق و جنوب دریای خزر، بین این دو حوزه بزرگ رخ داده است؟در این راستا، مطالعه ایی بسیار گسترده توسط روش های تجزیه و تحلیلی فن آوری و فنی-کاربردی بر روی ابزارهایی از پنج مجموعه از ایران و ترکمنستان انجام شد. نتایج به دست آمده نشان می دهد که علی رغم حضور ابزارهای دو طرفه در برخی از صنایع ترکمنستان، در شرق دریای خزر شاهد سیستم های تکنیکی متفاوتی هستیم. این عناصر ما را بر آن می دارد که به دنبال ارتباط آنها با سیستم های فنی ای باشیم که تا کنون کمتر شناخته شده اند. به نظر می رسد که ترکمنستان و مناطق شرقی ایران، محل تقاطع سیستم های فنی مختلفی باشند.این تنوع در سیستم های فنی احتمالا از آنچه پیشتر در مورد پویایی جمعیت در طول دوره موسترین تصور می شد بسیار پیچیده تر باشد. به لطف شناسایی این گوناگونی های فنی است که ما سعی می کنیم پدیده های مربوط به جمعیت و جابجایی گروه های انسانی پیش از تاریخ در محیط مورد اشغال آنها را درک و بازسازی کنیم.

Sanctions are one of the ways in which individual states or the international community can enforce their rights and interests. They can vary from banning travel to boycott and embargo affecting the entire country's economy. The sanctions have recently been practiced primarily by the European Union and the United Nations, and by the United States in case of particular countries. The topic of this work is international sanctions against Russia and Iran. Both countries have been in conflict with the international community in recent years, and both countries were punished. In the case of Iran, there were concerns about the use of the Iranian nuclear program for military purposes, the main objective was to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Russia has been the subject of sanctions as a result of violations of international agreements and international law on the basis of the occupation of the Ukrainian Crimea and the development of the military conflict in the East of Ukraine. The thesis describes the reasons, course and impact of sanctions imposed on Iran and Russia, the Iranian and Russian economies and their representatives. At the same time, it seeks to assess the impact of sanctions both in the economic sphere and in terms of changes in the political direction of both countries.

<p>This investigation into the status of English in Iran and cultural presentations in Iranian English has two areas of emphasis. The first is a sociolinguistic profile of English in Iran in which the status, functions, uses and users of this language are described within in the country’s social and political contexts. In this part, contributing factors to the growth of English in three political periods, including the Qajar dynasty (1796 -1925), the Pahlavi era (1925-1979) and post-Revolutionary time (1979 – present), are elaborated upon to establish the historical and political bases for the second area of focus.</p> <p>The second focus is the cultural content in the locally developed English textbooks used from 1939 to the present time (2020). Accordingly, the content of four generations (across five textbook series) of Iranian high school English textbooks are analyzed based on an evaluation scheme which the author has developed. This research finds answers to the questions on the status of culture in the Iranian English textbooks; distribution of Iranian and non-Iranian cultures; dominance of cultural elements (products, practices and perspectives) in each English textbooks series; and the political and ideological influence of each era on the content of English textbooks.</p> <p>This investigation finds that the English textbooks which were developed before the Islamic Revolution (first and second generations) were highly cultural compared to the post-Revolution materials (third and fourth generations). Also, non-Iranian cultural components (particularly the American and British cultures) were more represented in the English textbooks of the Pahlavi period, whereas Western cultures were all eliminated in the post-Revolution textbooks, replaced by the Islamic/Revolutionary cultures. Additionally, cultural perspectives outnumbered cultural products and practices in the first and second generations of English textbooks (Pahlavi era) whereas cultural products dominated the post-Revolutionary English materials. This study finds that political and ideological hegemony of each era have directly influenced the textual and illustrative content of locally developed English textbooks in Iran.<a> </a></p>

No description available.