Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Okinawa serves as a strategic base for U.S. forces in maintaining regional security and protecting Japanese and American interests based on the 1960 Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between Japan and the United States and its 1951 predecessor. This thesis assesses the developing factors in Japan's constitutional debate after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. It examines the myriad issues influencing the reinterpretation or potential revision of Article 9 of Japan's constitution and what implications revision would have on Japan-based U.S. forces stationed primarily in Okinawa. This thesis argues that Tokyo's reinterpretation or revision of Article 9 of Japan's constitution would not require a major withdrawal of U.S. forces from Okinawa. Regional threats still validate the half-century old U.S.-Japan Security Alliance and most of its current structure. The major questions the thesis addresses are how and why Japan is reinterpreting or may revise its constitution, what dangers threaten Japanese and American security and interests, and how Okinawa's bases contribute to the security and stability of the region and at what price. Furthermore, this thesis evaluates the validity of perceptions regarding U.S. troops on Okinawa, and it seeks to clarify the situation on Okinawa. This thesis' arguments set the stage for a policy-prescriptive conclusion which is predicated on six individual premises. A major point is the validation of a viable and proven U.S. expeditionary force to remain stationed within Japan. Also, it offers practical recommendations for what is next for U.S. forces on Okinawa, including maintaining the status quo with certain adjustments, overhauling public relations and media interactions, and examining the merits of Kadena Air Base and Ie Island for the relocation of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma. / Captain, United States Marine Corps

This thesis investigates Japan's contribution to United Nations (UN)-sponsored peacekeeping operations (UNPKO) by locating sources of activism and passivism in Japan's foreign policymaking process. In particular, it examines the influence of factors, such as Japan's traditional post-W.W.II commitment to pacifism, its relationships with the US and its East Asian neighbours, and the role of the UN. The introduction provides a broad overview of the remit of the thesis as well as clarifying its ontological commitments and justifying the topics of focus, Japan and the UN. Chapter One constructs a detailed theoretical approach to this topic by rejecting traditional realist, liberal, and Marxist interpretations of international politics and, instead, highlighting the study of norms in international society. Chapter Two centres on the topic of UN peacekeeping operations and explains how this practice has become a norm of international society. Chapter Three introduces the topic of Japan's foreign policy by examining traditional approaches and interpretations. It also utilises the approach outlined in Chapter One and examines Japan's contribution to PKO from the time of admission to the UN in 1956 through to the eve of the outbreak of the Second Gulf War. Chapter Four looks at Japan's response to the Second Gulf War from the financial contribution through to the legislation adopted to facilitate the despatch of the Self-Defence Forces (SDF). It demonstrates the initial power of traditional norms in shaping policy and how this changed with the rise of the influence of the UN. Chapter Five takes the first despatch of the SDF to Cambodia as its case study and reveals how the traditional norms of domestic-rooted pacifism and the opposition of East Asian nations to Japanese re-militarisation continued to be eroded. Chapter Six looks at the most recent of the SDF's despatches to Mozambique, Rwanda and the Golan Heights and demonstrates the continued influence of the US as well as the consolidated power of the UN, in contrast to the declining influence of pacifism and Japan's East Asian neighbours. Taking this empirical investigation into account, the conclusion reappraises the importance of norms in Japan's foreign policy making process, and highlights the influence of the UN.

Em 1549, os primeiros missionários cristãos chegaram ao arquipélago japonês a fim de evangelizar a população nativa. Chegaram poucos anos após os comerciantes portugueses, mas não ficaram sob sua proteção. Ao contrário destes, não ficaram apenas nas cidades portuárias, mas adentraram-se no território japonês que passava por um século de sangrentas guerras, num longo processo de unificação do território por um poder central, que só terminaria no século seguinte. Os jesuítas, ordem que manteve o monopólio da evangelização do Japão até o ano de 1593, acabaram por se envolver no complexo jogo político de então, à procura de patronos e proteção para que pudessem espalhar o Evangelho dentre a população nativa. Sem qualquer proteção garantida a maneira que encontraram para cristianizar os japoneses foi implicarem-se na política local tentando convencê-los de que o cristianismo era a verdadeira religião. A forma como se deveria dar esse processo de convencimento não foi, contudo, consenso entre os jesuítas, que acabaram se dividindo acerca do melhor método. Se de um lado o Visitador Geral das Índias Orientais, Alexandre Valignano, formulou um método inovador, denominado pelo próprio como acomodação (ou accomodattio em italiano), uma outra parcela da ordem, encabeçada pelo segundo superior da missão japonesa, Francisco Cabral, discordava, afirmando que o processo de evangelização deveria sempre priorizar os regramentos da Ordem para não correr o perigo de extraviar a mensagem. O objetivo da presente dissertação é, portanto, mapear e compreender essas duas diferentes estratégias de evangelização, tanto para a missão para a qual foi criada, no Japão, quanto para os seus agentes, os jesuítas. / In 1549, the first Christian missionaries arrived in Japan to evangelize the natives. They arrived some yearsafter the Portuguese traders, but did not stay under their protection. On the contrary, the missionaries entered the Japanese territory by their selves, while the traders stayed only in the port cities. At that time Japan was emerged in many civil wars in a period called Sengoku Jidai (the country at war). The Jesuits the denomination that hold the monopoly of the Japanese mission until 1593 saw their selves involved in a complicated political plot. As they could not count on any secular protection, they chose to look for the warlords (daimy) protection to accomplish the evangelization of the Japanese people. The only way for that was the convincement of the people that Christianity was the true religion. Nevertheless, even among the Jesuits that went to the Japanese mission, there was not a consensus about the best way to convince the Japanese to become Christians. The Visitor of the Jesuits missions in Asia, Alexandre Valignano, designed a new method called accomodatio, but some Jesuits were against it. Led by the second Superior of the Japanese mission, Francisco Cabral, they claimed that accomodatio was not the best way once it could mislead the neophytes. What they should do, in Cabrals point of view, was to follow strictly the rules of the Society of Jesus. The aim of this essay is to understand these two methods of evangelization and their meaning for both the Jesuits and the Japanese.

Em 1549, os primeiros missionários cristãos chegaram ao arquipélago japonês a fim de evangelizar a população nativa. Chegaram poucos anos após os comerciantes portugueses, mas não ficaram sob sua proteção. Ao contrário destes, não ficaram apenas nas cidades portuárias, mas adentraram-se no território japonês que passava por um século de sangrentas guerras, num longo processo de unificação do território por um poder central, que só terminaria no século seguinte. Os jesuítas, ordem que manteve o monopólio da evangelização do Japão até o ano de 1593, acabaram por se envolver no complexo jogo político de então, à procura de patronos e proteção para que pudessem espalhar o Evangelho dentre a população nativa. Sem qualquer proteção garantida a maneira que encontraram para cristianizar os japoneses foi implicarem-se na política local tentando convencê-los de que o cristianismo era a verdadeira religião. A forma como se deveria dar esse processo de convencimento não foi, contudo, consenso entre os jesuítas, que acabaram se dividindo acerca do melhor método. Se de um lado o Visitador Geral das Índias Orientais, Alexandre Valignano, formulou um método inovador, denominado pelo próprio como acomodação (ou accomodattio em italiano), uma outra parcela da ordem, encabeçada pelo segundo superior da missão japonesa, Francisco Cabral, discordava, afirmando que o processo de evangelização deveria sempre priorizar os regramentos da Ordem para não correr o perigo de extraviar a mensagem. O objetivo da presente dissertação é, portanto, mapear e compreender essas duas diferentes estratégias de evangelização, tanto para a missão para a qual foi criada, no Japão, quanto para os seus agentes, os jesuítas. / In 1549, the first Christian missionaries arrived in Japan to evangelize the natives. They arrived some yearsafter the Portuguese traders, but did not stay under their protection. On the contrary, the missionaries entered the Japanese territory by their selves, while the traders stayed only in the port cities. At that time Japan was emerged in many civil wars in a period called Sengoku Jidai (the country at war). The Jesuits the denomination that hold the monopoly of the Japanese mission until 1593 saw their selves involved in a complicated political plot. As they could not count on any secular protection, they chose to look for the warlords (daimy) protection to accomplish the evangelization of the Japanese people. The only way for that was the convincement of the people that Christianity was the true religion. Nevertheless, even among the Jesuits that went to the Japanese mission, there was not a consensus about the best way to convince the Japanese to become Christians. The Visitor of the Jesuits missions in Asia, Alexandre Valignano, designed a new method called accomodatio, but some Jesuits were against it. Led by the second Superior of the Japanese mission, Francisco Cabral, they claimed that accomodatio was not the best way once it could mislead the neophytes. What they should do, in Cabrals point of view, was to follow strictly the rules of the Society of Jesus. The aim of this essay is to understand these two methods of evangelization and their meaning for both the Jesuits and the Japanese.

全球能源消費大國之中，日本的低能源蘊藏量以及高能源利用率常引起多方研究。本文從蒐集並整理日本戰後至2011年間的能源政策、比較311前後兩個執政黨（民主黨、自民黨）的能源政策立場，到探究日本於311後能源政策轉折的方向及原因、並且進一步推敲出日本的能源治理模式。因此發現，日本在二戰之後就開始運用一系列的政策手段與能源市場干預途徑，突破低能源蘊藏量之先天不利條件，達到高能源利用率之後天技術優勢所創造的經濟成長。而當日本經歷2011年3月11日東日本大震災後，政府更強烈介入能源市場，希望進行能源結構的轉型，使得日本得以維持能源高自主率與溫室氣體低排放率的目標。本文因此結論，日本雖然身為能源匱乏國，但是它的能源政策充分體現出了國家介入能源市場由上而下治理模式的特性，使得日本得以突破能源約束，在諸多能源不利之條件下開創了近半世紀的經濟高度發展期。此外，本文亦結論日本於全球能源治理的角色可以歸納為三：（1）全球溫室氣體減量暨全球能源安全提升的追隨者；（2）區域性能源合作的示範者；（3）全球核能安全建立的示範者等三種角色。 / Japan is noted for its low energy endowment but high energy efficiency among the global top energy consuming nations. In this study, collection of the past Japanese energy policies from 1945 to 2011, comparison of the political stances on the energy strategies between the two Japanese ruling parties, Liberal Democratic Party and The Democratic Party, and investigation on factors causing a change of Japan’s energy policy post Fukushima contributed to outlining the pattern of Japan’s energy governance. This study found that Japan’s intervening in its the post-war domestic energy market by means of a string of policy instruments has successfully made Japan overcome the predicament of high energy demands out of low energy reserves, further achieve the edge of high energy efficiency, and therefore create its outstanding economic growth. Nevertheless, after experiencing another energy predicament post Fukushima, Japan made more effort on the intervention into its energy market to transform its domestic energy consumption structure with a view to maintaining high energy self-sufficient rates and low GHGs emissions. To conclude, although Japan is a nation of insufficient energy resources, its energy policies reveal the trait that the state intervenes in the energy market by the top-down governance approach to make its way to break through the energy constraints, creating a nearly half-century’s economic prosperity. Besides, we also conclude that Japan plays three major roles in the domain of global energy governance: 1. a follower of global GHGs emission abatement and global energy security enhancement, 2. a demonstrator on regional energy cooperation and, 3. a model of building global nuclear power safety.

L'objectiu d'aquesta tesi doctoral consisteix en determinar si el model de gestió dels recursos humans de les empreses matrius japoneses es transferible a les filials japoneses de Catalunya.Per tot això després d'un estudi teòric sobre la literatura existent del model de gestió dels recursos humans japonès i la internacionalització dels recursos humans, s'ha realitzat un treball empíric mitjançant una enquesta a les filials japoneses instal.lades a Catalunya. En el qüestionari s'analitzen diferents àmbits de la gestió dels recursos humans i que constitueixen les 7 hipòtesis del nostre treball de camp basades en el model de recursos humans japonès referides a: 1- Reclutament i selecció, 2- Promoció i Rotació, 3- Lideratge, comunicació i treball en equip, 4- Motivació, clima laboral i cultura empresrial, 5- Formació i desenvolupament, 6- Avaluació de l'acompliment, y 7- Retribució i beneficis socials. Tot això ens ha indicat quina es la tendència del model japonès de recursos humans a les filials catalanes tenint en compte que estem analitzant un contexte cultural diferent a la idiosincrasia dels treballadors japonesos. El treball ens ha permés de proposar dues línies d'investigació, una a determinar en el temps i una altre en l'espai. En el temps amb la nova generació s'està produint un canvi cultural en el qual els joves japonesos intenten importar part dels valors occidentals que es veurà reflectit al llarg de 10-20 anys. I en l'espai l'aplicació de l'estudi a altres països europeus, com Anglaterra, França i Alemanya que són els principals països on els japonesos prefereixen instal.lar-se. / The objective of this doctoral thesis is to consider if the Human Resource Management model of the Japanese head office is transferable to the Japanese subsidiaries settled in Catalonia.After a theoretical study about the existent literature of the Japanese Human Resource Management model and the internationalization of Human Resources an empirical research has been carried out by means of a survey in the Japanese subsidiaries set up in Catalonia. In this survey different aspects of the Human Resource Management have been analysed and they constitute the seven hypotheses of our research based on the Japanese Human Resources model conerning:1- Recruitment and Selection, 2- Promotion and Rotation, 3- Leardership, communication and Teamwork, 4- Motivation, labour atmosphere and Management culture, 5- Training and development, 6- Personnel Appraisal and 7- Retribution and Social Benefits. All this has shown us what the tendency of the Japanese Human Resources model in the Catalan subsidiaries is, taking into account that we are analysing a different cultural context to the idiosyncrasy of Japanese workers.

This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence.

This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence. / The full text has been embargoed.

This thesis is devoted to long-term stagnation of the Japanese economy and potential solutions addressing such issue. The aim of this thesis is to propose a suitable solution to Japan's long-term stagnation. Firstly, the theoretical as well as practical basis of current Japan's stagnation is described. Economic theory and basic economic principles are explained within the theoretical background in order to apply such knowledge to the real economy correctly. Then, Japan's economic development from the second half of the 20th century till present is outlined within the practical background with an emphasis on "Lost decade" and persisting stagnation to better understand the way the Japanese economy functions. Secondly, the causes of Japan's "Lost decade" and persisting stagnation are presented. The theoretical basis of the causes of long-term stagnation is outlined with an emphasis on economic policy as a key instrument that affects the real economy. Then, the causes of Japan's long-term stagnation are deeply analyzed including a confrontation of selected causes by the author. Lastly, potential solutions addressing the issue of long-term economic stagnation are discussed. Existing solutions that aim to end Japan's stagnation are described and assessed. The main contribution of the author lies in proposing a solution to Japan's long-term economic stagnation from the author's perspective including specific measures to restore economic growth.

冷戰結束後的世界，使人們重新思考安全的定義，傳統的安全觀已無法應付日益嚴重的全球性危機以及許多非軍事領域的問題，安全的涵蓋面向從國防、軍事延伸至經濟、社會、政治、環境等領域，而安全所關注的對象亦從國家擴展至國際及社會、個人層面，新的安全觀逐漸被重視，其中以提升個人及全人類安全與福祉的人類安全，最符合聯合國及國際社會所強調的以人為中心的發展及安全觀。 人類安全概念經聯合國開發計畫署闡述後，受到國際社會之重視與推展，其實踐需結合全球治理與全球公民社會之理念，經由保障及自授權力兩途徑，使人們之自由與安全受到保障，並有能力維護自身與他人權益。國際上，以闡述並推行人類安全為宗旨之國際性組織與委員會相繼成立，聯合國中亦有人類安全信託基金之設置，對概念之研究與計畫之推動均有相當大的貢獻。而在各個國家中，以加拿大和日本推行人類安全成效最為卓著，在提升免於恐懼及免於匱乏的自由上，均有相當大之進展。 台灣身處軍事敏感地區，一方面有全球化下各國非傳統安全問題跨越國界之威脅，一方面亦有自身內部經濟、社會等領域之安全考量，為提升台灣人民之自由、安全與福祉並與國際社會接軌，台灣應以人類安全為基礎，結合非政府組織與公民社會力量，積極參與國際議程設定，與國際社會對話，維護自身生存與權益，負起推動並維護人類永續發展之責。 本論文從歷史發展過程，探討人類安全及相關概念，在安全概念之演變部分，首先探討傳統安全概念、後冷戰時期國際局勢之演變以及非傳統安全問題之顯現，接著介紹聯合國開發計畫署1994年之《人類發展報告》、以人類安全為主題之國際各大會議與國際組織的討論，以及聯合國相關組織與人類安全之關連，並對聯合國所扮演之角色提出建議。 在人類安全概念內涵部分，首先介紹國際組織、加拿大、日本及學者們對人類安全之定義，其次介紹人類安全之指標、人類安全與其他安全概念（如合作安全、綜合安全）之區分，最後則闡述人類安全與人權概念間之關係。 在人類安全的實踐部分，首先介紹人類安全之實踐途徑與方法、全球治理理念與全球公民社會之概念、亞洲國家對人類安全之觀點、在國際上對人類安全的實踐以及人類安全之爭議。 在人類安全與台灣部分，提出台灣所面臨之各類威脅，並引用人類發展指數相關概念介紹台灣發展現況，以及介紹加拿大與日本以人類安全觀點為基礎之外交政策及實踐成果，希望對於台灣人類安全之推動能有所啟發。 / After the end of the Cold War, people started to rethink the definition of safety. The traditional view of security was no longer capable of dealing with serious global crises and other daily non-military problems. The study of Security extends from national defense and military affairs to such fields as Economy, Society, Politics, and Environment among others; its target also expands from that of the state to the international, the social, and the personal. The new view of Security has been given a gradual increase of attention. Among such, Human Security, which is the improvement of the safety and welfare of individuals and the entire mankind, accords with the view of people-centered development and the view of people-centered security that the United Nations and the international community emphasize most. After explaining the concept of Human Security in the United Nations Development Programme, it received the international society’s attention and impetus—the practice of which requires the effort combination of the whole world and the global civil society, via the ways of protection and empowering, in order to guarantee the freedom and security of mankind, allowing every person to have the ability to safeguard one's own and others' rights and interests. On the international level, international organizations and committees with the purpose of explaining and promoting Human Security have been established in succession. Furthermore, the Trust Fund for Human Security has also been established in the United Nations. Such establishments have exhibited sizable contributions to the research of the concept of Human Security and practice of relevant plans. On the national level, Canada and Japan pursued the issue of Human Security and thus had the most effective and immense progress in promoting the freedom from fear and the freedom from want. Taiwan is located within a military sensitive area. In addition, globalization also contributes to threats on non-traditional security matters across national boundaries of several nations. Furthermore, Taiwan must also possess considerations about its internal safety on the economical, social, and cultural level. In order to improve the freedom, the security, and the welfare of Taiwanese civilians and to integrate Taiwan into the international community, Taiwan should undertake Human Security as its foundation for the combination of non-government organizations (NGO) and civil society forces, so as to actively participate in the international agenda, communicate with the international community, maintain its security and its, rights and interests, and shoulder the responsibility to safeguard the sustainable development of human beings. This thesis looks into the concept of Human Security via historical analysis. In the section regarding the concept of the development of security, this thesis explores into the traditional concepts of security, the development of the international situation during the post-Cold War era, and the appearance of non-traditional security issues. Consecutively, this thesis will introduce the " Human Development Report " of the United Nations Development Programme in 1994; it will also present the discussion of the theme of Human Security by international organizations and other great meetings of the world, Finally, this section closes with the issue on about the relationship between United Nations’ relevant organizations and Human Security, and a suggestion on United Nations’ role. The section of the concept of Human Security introduces the definition of Human Security given by scholars, international organizations, Canada, and Japan. The introduction of the index of Human Security and the explanation of the relationship between the concept of Human Security and the concept of human rights will follow. The following section—the practice of Human Security — introduces the ways and methods to practice Human Security, the concept of global governance and global civil society, Asian’s view on Human Security, the practice of Human Security on the international level, and the disputes of Human Security. In the section about the relationship of Taiwan and Human Security, this thesis puts forward all kinds of threats that Taiwan faces, quoting the relevant concepts of human development index, and recommends Taiwan’s present development situation. It also introduces foreign policy and practice achievement of Canada and Japan which are based on Human Security view, with the hope that those can inspire the promotion and the impetus of Human Security in Taiwan.