This study makes a consideration of four related concepts of Deity, each of which is accepted as doctrine by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which claims to have received these doctrines from Joseph Smith. On the other hand, each of these concepts is rejected as doctrine by the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, which claims that Joseph Smith did not teach them.

This thesis analyzes additions to the gospels in the Joseph Smith Translation of the Bible. To assess the appropriateness of the JST additions, the thesis examines Joseph Smith's additions to verify whether they parallel the approaches of the original gospel writers to their audiences. There is strong indication that material added to the King James Version by the Joseph Smith Translation is consistent with the approaches of the original gospels to their audiences. Chapter one shows that the JST Matthew, like the KJV Matthew, is concerned with showing that Jesus fulfills Old Testament prophecy. Chapter two finds that JST Mark is as generic in its approach and even more fast-paced than the KJV Mark. In chapter three, Joseph Smith's translation of Luke extends Luke's stress on parables and women's issues. Chapter four demonstrates that JST John emphasizes John's central concern, the primacy of Jesus, even more emphatically than the KJV John.

It is felt by some historians that Joseph Smith was a product of his environment; that his teachings were the amplifications of religious doctrines surrounding his life experience in early America.Some writings which have been published show similarities between Joseph's "Mormonism" and contemporary religions.It should be rememebered, however, that if Joseph Smith's call, as restorer, were all that he professed it to be (and he was not alone in that profession), there would, indeed, exist paralleling truths surrounding his "restored" gospel. For, as Joseph tells us, the gospel was preached from the beginning. If that is true, we should then be able to find remnants of its existence throughout the world at practically any time and at any place that we might look. The purpose of this thesis, therefore, is to explain parallels, throughout the history of the world, to Joseph Smith's doctrines.

In written history, Joseph Smith's colonizing efforts have been overshadowed by the Mormon settlement of the west. No one has really made a study of Joseph Smith as a colonizer. To this founder of the Mormon way of life, religion was more than a code of Sunday ethics. According to President Smith, man was created as an actual child of God and his Heavenly Father was concerned with providing for all his needs. Therefore, the revealed word of God in addition to listing a spiritual code of ethics, also contained provisions for the physical, social, political, economical, educational, safety needs, and quality of life. Joseph Smith attempted to combine all these principles into a new society he said was patterned after the order of heaven. It was called the Kingdom of God because Christ was its head and it contained the principles of life which he taught.

Facsimile No. 3 of the Book of Abraham contains parallels to other Egyptian throne scenes found elsewhere, which fact has led many to pass Facsimile No. 3 off as commonplace. However, the lack of a broad comparative study examining these types of scenes in their varying contexts has rendered most conclusions regarding Facsimile No. 3 superficial at best. Hugh Nibley was perhaps the first to notice this problem, arguing that "The great abundance of pictures of the Facsimile No. 3 variety calls for the widest possible comparative study. In a case like this the student's first obligation is to compare, as widely and as carefully as possible." This thesis takes a critical step in solving this problem by looking at both the textual and iconographic elements found in Facsimile No.3 and comparing them with the larger corpus of Egyptian texts, temples, tombs, and stelae. Significantly, this study compares Facsimile No. 3 with the throne scenes from every other publicly known copy of the Book of Breathings, the ancient Egyptian document on which Facsimile No. 3 was found.In this thesis, I argue that Facsimile No. 3 is not as commonplace as some scholars have argued in the past. I begin this thesis with an introduction which presents some of the main issues surrounding Facsimile No. 3, including some of the likely reasons as to why it has remained the least studied of the three Facsimiles of the Book of Abraham. The first chapter contains a literature review of the published writings and theories that deal with Facsimile No. 3. Chapter Two gives a closer look at the hieroglyphs of Facsimile No. 3 and discusses some of the challenges relating to the translations that have been offered for them. The iconography of Facsimile No. 3 is discussed in the third chapter, where it is compared with the larger corpus of Book of Breathings vignettes. This discussion is especially important, as it is the first study to date which compares Facsimile No. 3 with the vignettes from all other extant copies of the Book of Breathings. In Chapter Four, this comparative study broadens, and parallels to Facsimile No. 3 are looked for in Ptolemaic copies of the Book of the Dead, Temples, Tombs, and funerary stelae.

While administering ordinances in preparation for the dedication of the Kirtland temple, on 21 January 1836, Joseph Smith again experienced a vision of the celestial kingdom. In the vision, he saw God the Father, His Son Jesus Christ, and Biblical Patriarchs—but significantly, he also beheld his father and mother who were living at the time, as well as his older brother Alvin who had died twelve years earlier. Joseph then “beheld” children who died in infancy saved in the celestial kingdom. The significance of this vision as a catalyst for Joseph Smith’s theological development has been underestimated. Joseph Smith envisioned his parents in the celestial kingdom at a time when his understanding of the eternality of marriage was expanding. This 1836 vision contributed to the doctrinal development of eternal marriage and the ritual of sealing husbands and wives. The vision was likewise a catalyst for what became the doctrine of the redemption of the dead. Beholding his unbaptized brother Alvin in the celestial kingdom, provoked Joseph theologically toward an expanded heaven and a contracted hell. Vicarious rituals became the practical way to offer redemption to the dead, thus resolving the soteriological problem of evil, and revealing that God’s plan was mercifully calculated to make salvation universally available. Joseph knew in 1836 that infant children who died prematurely received salvation in the kingdom of heaven. This vision further inspired Joseph toward the development of the ritual of child-to-parent sealings, which could ensure eternal bonds between parents and their posterity who lived to maturity—ultimately making it possible to link the whole human family back to Adam and Eve. Though the vision of the celestial kingdom significantly influenced the doctrinal development of Joseph Smith, the vision and associated revelations, remained an obscure journal entry during the lifetime of the prophet. After 140 years, the vision achieved canonization status as Doctrine and Covenants section 137.

Mormonism is among the most studied religious phenomena of American history. Yet little attention has been devoted to one of its most telling and, at the time, most famous chapters, the “Temple Lot Case” of 1891-1896, a legal battle over sacred space, cultural memory, group identity, and judicial intervention in religion. The suit involved three rival Mormon sects: Granville Hedrick’s Church of Christ, based in Independence, Missouri; Joseph Smith III’s Reorganized Church, based in Lamoni, Iowa; and Brigham Young’s LDS Church, based in Utah. In previous decades, the churches had forged distinct identities from one another, stemming from their divergent interpretations of Mormonism’s founding prophet, Joseph Smith Jr. (1805-1844). The “Hedrickites” lionized the teachings of Smith’s early years, the “Josephites” emphasized the moderate teachings of Smith’s middle years, and the “Brighamites” institutionalized the controversial semi-secret teachings of Smith’s final years. In 1891, the Reorganized Church filed suit in the Eighth Federal Circuit Court for possession of the Temple Lot Smith dedicated at Independence in 1831. The Hedrickites owned it, the Josephites thought they had a better claim to it, and the Brighamites sought to prevent the Josephites from obtaining it. The Reorganized Church presented evidence demonstrating it was the rightful successor of Joseph Smith’s church; the Hedrickites and Brighamites countered with evidence of their own. The case produced an array of notable witnesses, including elites from Mormonism’s founding generation, leaders from its divided second generation, and figures from Missouri’s colorful past. Newspapers from the New York Times to the Anaconda Standard followed the suit closely. The present work is the first book-length study of the Temple Lot Case. It offers one of the most in-depth treatments of a U.S. religious property suit to date. It chronicles the establishment and fragmentation of arguably America’s most successful native-born religion. It examines the contestation of an American sacred space. And it traces the differentiation of collective memory and identity among competing religious siblings. / text

L’Église de Jésus-Christ des Saints des Derniers Jours, ou « Église mormone », émargea au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle dans une Amérique en proie à des mutations sociales et religieuses. Joseph Smith, son prophète-fondateur, l’inscrivit dès le départ dans une radicalité doctrinale en « protestant » les fondamentaux du christianisme tels qu’ils avaient été définis et acceptés auparavant. Il s’attira de ce fait le courroux des « Églises établies », en particulier de celles du protestantisme évangélique. Malgré une américanité foncière, sa religion fut affublée de l’étiquette « un-american » et ses disciples furent persécutés, poussés à édifier leur « Sion » sur la « Frontière », puis dans l’Ouest, à la périphérie de la société américaine. Contrairement à bien d’autres groupes religieux ou de mouvements utopiques, les « mormons » réussirent à transformer leur marginalisation en force, développant par la même occasion des particularismes qui firent d’eux un « peuple à part ». Or, ils s’éveillèrent aussi à l’évidence que pour échapper aux persécutions, ils devaient se positionner au cœur de l’action politique du pays. L’investiture de Mitt Romney par le Parti républicain pour l’élection présidentielle de 2012 témoigne de leur réussite. Mais comment cela fut-il possible ? Romney fut aussi l’objet d’une formidable opposition religieuse au cours de la phase des primaires du Parti qui n’est pas sans rappeler celles fomentées par les protestants contre les catholiques Al Smith (1928) et John F. Kennedy (1960). Comment expliquer ce refus de voir un mormon à la Maison blanche ? Nous répondons dans cette thèse à ces questions, et à bien d’autres, notamment en illustrant le fait que Romney, J. F. Kennedy et Al Smith eurent un prédécesseur en Reed Smoot, apôtre mormon dont l’élection en 1902 au Sénat fédéral fut à l’origine du plus grand procès politico-religieux d’Amérique. / The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, or “Mormon Church,” emerged during the first half of the 19th century while America was undergoing social and religious changes. Right from the outset, Joseph Smith, the prophet-founder, set the Church in a radical opposition, “protesting” the dogma of traditional Christianity as they had been defined and accepted for centuries. He attracted the ire of the “established Churches” of Evangelical Protestantism. In spite of the profound Americanness of his religion, it was labeled un-american and his followers were persecuted, driven out, and forced to build their “Zion” on the Frontier, and then in the West, on the margins of American society. Unlike several other religious groups and utopian movements, the “Mormons” managed to turn their marginalization into strength, developing thereby traits that made them “a peculiar people.” Yet, they also realized that to escape persecutions, they had to be at the center of the nation’s politics. The nomination of Mitt Romney by the Republican Party for the 2012 presidential election testifies to their success. How did that come about? Romney was also the object of a sturdy religious opposition during the Party’s primaries that reminded the ones set up by the Protestants in the cases of Al Smith (1928) and of John F. Kennedy (1960). How does one account for this refusal to see a Mormon in the White House? In this dissertation, we answer these questions, and to many more, particularly as we illustrate the fact that Romney, J. F. Kennedy and Al Smith had a predecessor in Reed Smoot, a Mormon apostle whose election in 1902 to the U.S. Senate set the tone for the greatest religiously and politically-motivated trial ever in American history.

In 2001, President Gordon B. Hinckley, President of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter–day Saints announced in an opening statement at General Conference, "The vision of Joel has been fulfilled wherein he declared," he then quoted the KJV of Joel 2:28–32. Throughout the remaining six and a half years of his life, he provided no commentary on the fulfillment of this passage. Fulfillment of the passage is also referenced in the standard works for The LDS Church in Joseph Smith—History (JS—H 1:41) and in the New Testament (Acts 2:17–21). An array of publications before and after President Hinckley's statement, comment on the fulfillment of Joel 2:28–32. This thesis is not another voice commenting on the fulfillment of Joel's ancient message. However, in the many statements made on the fulfillment of Joel 2:28–32 a gap exists, in that, no study has been conducted looking specifically at the perceptions and all of the statements of Joseph Smith on the fulfillment of this passage. This thesis seeks to fill that gap. In this thesis I contend that Joseph Smith did not believe that Joel 2:28–32 had ever been fulfilled prior to his lifetime, and that Joseph utilized the prophecy and its fulfillment as a form of motivation for his followers to preach, gather, and build up Zion. Chapter one summarizes some of the history of Christianity's view of fulfillment of Joel 2:28–32. Because Joseph Smith was not raised in a vacuum, chapter two unfolds the Christian commentary on Joel's prophecy found in Bibles produced in the antebellum era that Joseph Smith lived in. Chapter three elucidates the beliefs about the fulfillment of Joel's prophecy which two contemporary Christians had—Alexander Campbell and William Miller—to show how distinct Joseph Smith's teachings and beliefs were in his time–period. Chapter four provides every documented statement Joseph Smith made on Joel's prophecy, and every primary allusion that points back to Joel 2:28–32. It provides analysis to show what connections Joseph did and did not make with fulfillment of Joel 2:28–32 and shows that Joel 2:28–32 was one of the several primary scriptural texts for the restoration. Chapter five demonstrates that other early leaders within Joseph's church also saw the fulfillment of Joel taking place in their day and as a part of their experiences. This thesis shows that Joseph Smith did not consider the fulfillment of Joel on a single occasion, as many of his predecessors and contemporaries had, but through publications and sermons he produced a more thorough structure of belief's regarding its place in the world and especially his church than any other up–start evangelical Christian leader in the antebellum era. He produced a number of revelations, which quote the unique language of Joel. He also pointed people to the ongoing fulfillment of the passage multiple times between 1830 and 1839, showing that he did not believe that fulfillment would come in a specific singular event.

While commenting upon the challenges of studying the history of religious figures and movements, Richard Bushman once said, “Everything we know in this life is seen through someone’s eyes. All a historian has to work with is the way this person saw it...The purpose of history is not to find out what really happened but to collect the ways human observers have described what they think happened. We [as historians] look at the world through other’s eyes.”[1] This thesis seeks not to argue the veracity of any particular religious doctrine, but rather strives to understand the historical development of certain Mormon beliefs by looking through the eyes of those who helped form them. Mormon doctrines are often regarded as impositions made by Joseph Smith onto docile followers. Such an interpretation fails to recognize that lay members were just as influential in the development of Mormon doctrine as was the founder of the religion. Joseph’s revelations did not emerge ex nihilo. Joseph engaged the world and people around him and his environment shaped the doctrines forming in his mind and continued to do so once they were taught to his followers. [2] This study will examine the origins of Mormonism’s dietary code, known as the Word of Wisdom, and the sect’s doctrines concerning the body. Both of these tenets of Mormonism were shaped by the environments in which they emerged. The regional environments which influenced to evolution of the Word of Wisdom are central to this study. In the case of the Word of Wisdom, Joseph first began teaching the doctrine in Kirtland, Ohio, an area of constant reform movements and moral activism. Conflicts within the Mormon Church reflect the tensions of Ohio settler’s reformist culture primarily located in the region known as the Western Reserve. This study will also look at the tensions within the Mormon community itself. These tensions involved leader responses to the Word of Wisdom, conflicts over church power structures, and the fallout from the Kirtland Bank’s failure in the financial panic of 1837. As the main Mormon Church body moved from Ohio, to Missouri, to Illinois, and eventually Utah they adopted attitudes toward the Word of Wisdom that reflected the new environments in which they found themselves. In Missouri the Word of Wisdom emerges in official charges in church disciplinary courts. However, an examination of these courts indicates that the Word of Wisdom was merely one indicator of a more serious power struggle within church leadership structures. Missouri temperance, which was relatively temped, did not influence church affairs nearly as much as struggles within church leadership itself. In Illinois Mormonism’s doctrine of the body also affected the ways in which the Word of Wisdom was implemented as it influenced the ways in which Mormons conceptualized health, godliness, plural marriage (polygamy), procreation, and their identities as a people. Simply put, context is everything and this study tries to show that the study of the teachings of any religious group should not be done piecemeal because each doctrine is shaped by and in turn shapes the other doctrines with which it is associated. [1] Samuel Alonzo Dodge, “The Hermeneutics of Suspicion” (interview with Richard Bushman), in Exploring the First Vision, ed. Samuel Alonzo Dodge and Steven C. Harper (Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 2012), 277. [2] Contrary to standard scholarly practice, Mormon historical and cultural custom is to refer to many of the early church leaders by their first names rather than surnames. I have decided to follow this custom throughout the thesis.