Yes / This chapter examines competition and collusion among criminal justice institutions and non-state actors in imprisonment in prisons in Brazil to analyse how both formal and informal dispositions and practices have created and sustain the mass incarceration that is a pre-condition for extensive prisoner self-governance. The chapter thus looks from the outside-in, examining how relationships between extra-mural institutions have created and sustained such an enormous prison population in Brazil. It also analyses these institutions and organisations as intra-mural actors that, through their action or inaction, exercise a key role in shaping the carceral experience for inmates. It highlights the competition between the different actors involved in the penal arena for control of the carceral space and of prisoners, driven by a variety of motives – rent-seeking, moral/philosophical, and territorial.

Crimes committed by juvenile offenders are a significant concern of society. In response to this concern, the juvenile justice system addresses juvenile crimes in a developmentally appropriate manner. The goal of the juvenile justice system is to rehabilitate juvenile offenders and steer them from a life of crime and toward becoming productive members of society. Yet, some juvenile offenders continue to offend. While research has explored juvenile offenders’ perceptions of juvenile delinquency, re-entry, and recidivism, less is known about how the detention center prepares juvenile offenders for re-entry. The following study explores the perceptions of detained juvenile offenders in a southeastern detention center regarding how the detention center prepares them to reenter their communities and those efforts on preventing future recidivism. This study reviews how the detention center helps juvenile offenders connect to their communities through the lens of the social bond theory and developmental assets framework. By reviewing the interviews of detained juvenile offenders, the findings of this study contribute to the research literature and encourage future work in this area.

Television shows, in particular CSI: Crime Scene Investigation, have captured the attention of the majority of Americans. As a consequence of these shows, the "CSI effect" has evolved. The CSI effect primarily occurs when people watch crime or law related shows resulting in them gaining an unrealistic expectation of what they think should occur in real trials. This is a concern for prospective jurors who take part in criminal trials. This thesis will reveal how the CSI effect has swept the nation. A large part of this study will be devoted to illustrating how the CSI effect has had an impact on jurors, criminals and the American court system. This thesis will shed light on how television has the power to alter a juror's mind, even if it is a decision that could completely change the defendant's life. This thesis will also examine how legal professionals have strategically begun to mention the CSI effect during their trials in court. Nowadays, it is an ordinary procedure for attorneys, during voir dire, to question prospective jurors about their television viewing habits, as it pertains to CSI. This study will also examine how the producers of CSI discount the effect in its entirety. The creators believe that their creation has been a helpful milestone in the evolution of our criminal justice system.

O objeto de estudo é a reforma do sistema de justiça no Brasil, abordada por uma etnografia da criação e implantação dos Centros de Integração e Cidadania – CIC, um programa implantado pelo governo do estado de São Paulo desde 1996, visando melhorar o acesso à justiça para a população pobre e a articulação das instituições de justiça (Polícia Civil, Ministério Público, Poder Judiciário, entre outros). A pesquisa reconstruiu o idéario de criação do CIC como um movimento de reforma da justiça, animado por magistrados e outros operadores jurídicos, no contexto dos movimentos por democracia política e social e universalização dos direitos humanos dos anos 1980. A história do CIC, de suas apropriações, mudanças de rumo, adaptações, deslocamentos e resultados, é uma história de lutas em torno do significado da expansão do Estado de direito – conseqüentemente sobre o que e como reformar ou conservar nos serviços de justiça. A pesquisa interrogou o campo da gestão estatal de conflitos, a partir do que se pode observar no seu alcance capilar, em suas extremidades: para o discurso de criação do CIC, o funcionamento da justiça na periferia transformaria todo o sistema; para a pesquisa tratou-se de uma oportunidade de observar um conjunto de instituições operando no mesmo campo, de observar o sistema de justiça pelas suas franjas, pelos postos de trabalho de pouco prestígio, procurando a microfísica do poder em suas extremidades, interrogando os efeitos concretos do funcionamento dos serviços de justiça. A análise sobre a mediação de conflitos nos diversos serviços de justiça disponíveis nos postos do CIC, sob a perspectiva da interpretação dos rituais de resolução de conflitos, preparou as conclusões da pesquisa sobre a oferta dos serviços de justiça para a população pobre e as dificuldades em democratizá-los. A fragmentação e a pluralidade de rituais de resolução empregados por agentes públicos não reflete a expansão do Estado de direito, pretendida pelo movimento de reforma; reflete antes a concorrência de juridicidades mobilizadas nas relações de poder entre as partes em conflito e delas com os agentes estatais. A liberdade de mobilização de diversos rituais de resolução de conflitos, com diversos resultados, corresponde à pluralidade de relações de poder estabelecidas e visões circulantes sobre o direito; contudo não estabelece garantias jurídicas ou simbólicas de eficácia, minando a eficácia do primado do direito estatal. A tese encerra-se com análise da corporificação dos operadores jurídicos e os rituais de distinção do campo jurídico, buscando demonstrar como eles se inscrevem no corpo, no tempo e no espaço. / The object of this thesis is the justice system reform in Brazil, analyzed by an ethnographical approach on the creation and implementation of the Citizenship Integration Centres – CIC, a program developed by São Paulo State government since 1996 and designed for enlarging poor population access to justice and improving the articulation among justice system institutions (Police, Prosecution Office and Judiciary). The research reconstructed the CIC creation frame as a justice system reform movement, sustained by magistrates and other legal operators, in a context of movements for political and social democracy and universalization of human rights in the 1980’s. The history of the CIC, its appropriations, route changes, adaptations, dislocations and outcomes, is a history of disputes surrounding the meaning of the rule of law expansion and, therefore, disputes on what and how to reform or conserve in justice services. The research interrogated the field of state management of conflicts, from what one can observe in its capillarity, in its extremities: for the CIC creation discourse, the functioning of justice in poor neighborhoods was a mean to transform all justice system; for the research, this was a chance to observe a set of institutions operating in the same field, to observe the justice system by its fringes, by the ranks of word of lower prestige, to look for the power microphysics in its extremities and to interrogate the real effects of justice services functioning. The analysis of conflict mediation in the different justice services available in CIC, under the perspective of the conflict resolution rituals interpretation, prepared the research conclusions about the offers of justice services for the poor and the difficulties in democratizing them. The fragmentation and plurality of conflict resolution rituals undertaken by public agents do not reflect the expansion of the rule of law intended by the justice reform movement; it reflects the competition of laws mobilized in power relations between the conflict parts and between them and state agents. The freedom to mobilize different conflict resolution rituals, with different outcomes, corresponds to the plurality of law perspectives and power relations established. However, it does not establish legal or symbolic guarantees of effectiveness, mining the effectiveness of the state law primate. The last part of the thesis analyses the legal operators’ embodiment and the rituals of distinction on legal field, aiming to demonstrate how they are inscribed in the body, time and space.

O objeto de estudo é a reforma do sistema de justiça no Brasil, abordada por uma etnografia da criação e implantação dos Centros de Integração e Cidadania – CIC, um programa implantado pelo governo do estado de São Paulo desde 1996, visando melhorar o acesso à justiça para a população pobre e a articulação das instituições de justiça (Polícia Civil, Ministério Público, Poder Judiciário, entre outros). A pesquisa reconstruiu o idéario de criação do CIC como um movimento de reforma da justiça, animado por magistrados e outros operadores jurídicos, no contexto dos movimentos por democracia política e social e universalização dos direitos humanos dos anos 1980. A história do CIC, de suas apropriações, mudanças de rumo, adaptações, deslocamentos e resultados, é uma história de lutas em torno do significado da expansão do Estado de direito – conseqüentemente sobre o que e como reformar ou conservar nos serviços de justiça. A pesquisa interrogou o campo da gestão estatal de conflitos, a partir do que se pode observar no seu alcance capilar, em suas extremidades: para o discurso de criação do CIC, o funcionamento da justiça na periferia transformaria todo o sistema; para a pesquisa tratou-se de uma oportunidade de observar um conjunto de instituições operando no mesmo campo, de observar o sistema de justiça pelas suas franjas, pelos postos de trabalho de pouco prestígio, procurando a microfísica do poder em suas extremidades, interrogando os efeitos concretos do funcionamento dos serviços de justiça. A análise sobre a mediação de conflitos nos diversos serviços de justiça disponíveis nos postos do CIC, sob a perspectiva da interpretação dos rituais de resolução de conflitos, preparou as conclusões da pesquisa sobre a oferta dos serviços de justiça para a população pobre e as dificuldades em democratizá-los. A fragmentação e a pluralidade de rituais de resolução empregados por agentes públicos não reflete a expansão do Estado de direito, pretendida pelo movimento de reforma; reflete antes a concorrência de juridicidades mobilizadas nas relações de poder entre as partes em conflito e delas com os agentes estatais. A liberdade de mobilização de diversos rituais de resolução de conflitos, com diversos resultados, corresponde à pluralidade de relações de poder estabelecidas e visões circulantes sobre o direito; contudo não estabelece garantias jurídicas ou simbólicas de eficácia, minando a eficácia do primado do direito estatal. A tese encerra-se com análise da corporificação dos operadores jurídicos e os rituais de distinção do campo jurídico, buscando demonstrar como eles se inscrevem no corpo, no tempo e no espaço. / The object of this thesis is the justice system reform in Brazil, analyzed by an ethnographical approach on the creation and implementation of the Citizenship Integration Centres – CIC, a program developed by São Paulo State government since 1996 and designed for enlarging poor population access to justice and improving the articulation among justice system institutions (Police, Prosecution Office and Judiciary). The research reconstructed the CIC creation frame as a justice system reform movement, sustained by magistrates and other legal operators, in a context of movements for political and social democracy and universalization of human rights in the 1980’s. The history of the CIC, its appropriations, route changes, adaptations, dislocations and outcomes, is a history of disputes surrounding the meaning of the rule of law expansion and, therefore, disputes on what and how to reform or conserve in justice services. The research interrogated the field of state management of conflicts, from what one can observe in its capillarity, in its extremities: for the CIC creation discourse, the functioning of justice in poor neighborhoods was a mean to transform all justice system; for the research, this was a chance to observe a set of institutions operating in the same field, to observe the justice system by its fringes, by the ranks of word of lower prestige, to look for the power microphysics in its extremities and to interrogate the real effects of justice services functioning. The analysis of conflict mediation in the different justice services available in CIC, under the perspective of the conflict resolution rituals interpretation, prepared the research conclusions about the offers of justice services for the poor and the difficulties in democratizing them. The fragmentation and plurality of conflict resolution rituals undertaken by public agents do not reflect the expansion of the rule of law intended by the justice reform movement; it reflects the competition of laws mobilized in power relations between the conflict parts and between them and state agents. The freedom to mobilize different conflict resolution rituals, with different outcomes, corresponds to the plurality of law perspectives and power relations established. However, it does not establish legal or symbolic guarantees of effectiveness, mining the effectiveness of the state law primate. The last part of the thesis analyses the legal operators’ embodiment and the rituals of distinction on legal field, aiming to demonstrate how they are inscribed in the body, time and space.

This thesis examines the presence of community in Blackfoot Justice Circles through ethnographic, qualitative methods. Five Blackfoot Justice Circles, observed in 1996-1997, and an Innu Healing Justice Circle, are compared in structure, roles and content. The Innu circle data is found as a report and recorded as an appendix to R. v. Sellon (1996). Seven in depth interview held with circle leaders and prominant circle participants generated data used to describe and define current perceptions of traditional concepts among circle leaders on a Blackfoot reserve. Theoretically the work arrives at a principle of justice according to a concept of authentic morality expressed through problem-solving and care. The principle is collectively based on the ideas and works of Menno Boldt, Herman Bianchi, Elliot Studt, John McKnight, Carol Lepannen Montgomery, John Braithwaite, Howard Zehr, and Ruth Morris as well as peacemaking concepts. The study explores transformative justice, as differentiated from restorative and retributive justice. / xii, 258 leaves : ill. ; 29 cm.

En France, depuis plus d’une soixantaine d’années, la médiatisation des affaires pénales s’est nettement accentuée. Ce constat s'explique en raison de la multiplication des supports (presse, radio, télévision, internet), et de l'intérêt croissant que les journalistes portent aussi bien aux simples faits divers, qu'aux affaires politico-judiciaires. Le public se passionne pour cette actualité sans cesse renouvelée, tout en ignorant la plupart du temps les règles juridiques techniques et complexes du droit pénal et de la procédure pénale. Au-delà du principe de publicité du procès pénal qui autorise, dans une certaine mesure, sa médiatisation par le relais de la presse écrite et audiovisuelle, l’information s’étend dorénavant avec force aux phases secrètes de la procédure. Non sans difficulté, le Droit s’est adapté aux réalités d’une société de la communication, en créant des fenêtres de publicité au cours de la procédure. L’Institution judiciaire se plie aussi aux nécessités de la communication en transmettant des messages aux citoyens par le vecteur des médias. Les enjeux diffèrent. Les médias remplissent une mission de service public en informant le peuple. L’urgence du travail journalistique – et la recherche d’informations inédites ou spectaculaires – s’opposent aux lenteurs nécessaires du temps de la justice qui n’est pas le même que celui de la presse moderne, surtout quand elle est mue par une logique concurrentielle. La justice pénale entend valoriser le bon fonctionnement du système judiciaire à travers les informations qu’elle diffuse. Les dérives tendant à transformer la médiatisation de la justice pénale en une justice pénale « médiatique » se multiplient. La confrontation de ces objectifs distincts est source de conflits dont la résolution repose sur la quête perpétuelle d’un équilibre entre les grands principes démocratiques et les libertés fondamentales consacrés par le droit national et supranational. / In France, the last 60 years or so have seen a sharp increase in the media profile of the criminal justice system. The explanation lies in the massive growth in media outlets (press, radio, television, internet) and in the increasing interest shown by journalists, not only in run-of-the-mill crime stories but in cases of corruption at the top of the political system. Public interest in such doings is huge, although with mostly little regard to the legal and technical complexities of the criminal law and its processes. The justice system in principle allows some media reporting by press and broadcasters, but the present-day appetite for information extends far deeper, into its more secret workings. The Law has adjusted, not without difficulty, to the realities of the communication society. In criminal proceedings, some windows have been thrown open on aspects of previously hidden processes. The judiciary, as an institution, has had to bow to popular pressure, has become more communicative, and has learned to use the media to keep people better informed. Different issues are at stake. The media, as a provider of information, perform a public service. But the urgency of the rush to print – and the pressure to publish undisclosed information including the most sensational – conflict with the justice system, that acts according to a more deliberate legal process than journalism, particularly when the latter’s logic is financial. The criminal justice system disseminates information to enhance its own value as a working institution. Even so, it may slip from being media-sensitive to being media-dependent or “mediatic”—and increasingly so. Different objectives give rise to unresolved conflicts, whose resolution relies on a balancing act that seeks to reconcile the principles of an open democratic society, with the fundamental freedoms guaranteed by national and supranational legal systems.

Studien undersöker dövkompetensens betydelse (kunskap om döva, teckenspråk och deras kultur) för döva i mötet med rättsväsendet. Syftet är att visa vilka konsekvenser som avsaknaden av dövkompetensen kan få. För att få svar på studiens frågor valde jag en kvalitativ och explorativt forskningsansats för att undersöka respondenternas uppfattning och upplevelse av mötet med rättsväsendet. Kvalitativ intervjustudie med döva med teckenspråk som sitt första språk. Som har varit i behov av samhällsstöd och upplevt avsaknad av dövkompetens. Åtta personer intervjuades och därefter gjordes en analys för att tolka och förstå döva som upplevt denna avsaknad av dövkompetens. Som analysredskap har jag valt vardagsrasism och audism som teoretiska utgångspunkter. De slutsatser jag har fått fram av respondenterna är att bemötandet de fått i mötet med rättsväsendet egentligen inte är enskilda handlingar, eftersom dessa enskilda handlingar upprepas av olika enskilda personer. Till följd av avsaknaden av dövkompetens har konsekvenserna oftast blivit allvarliga och till och med förödande för några av respondenterna. / The study investigates the meaning of deaf competence (knowledge of deaf, sign language and their culture) when deaf people encounter the justice system. The intention is to outline the consequences of the lack of deaf competence. I´ve chosen a qualitative and explorative research approach in order to reach the answers of the study, to examine the respondents’ perception and experience in the encounter with the justice system. Qualitative interviewstudy with deaf people who´s first language is sign language and who´s been in need of support from the society and experienced the lack of deaf competence. Eight people were interviewed and then an analysis was made to interpreted and understand deaf people who´s experienced the lack of deaf competence. As tools during analysis I use everyday racism and audism theoretical smarting points. The conclusion I´ve reached from the respondents is that the treatment they’ve received from the justice system actually isn´t individual actions, due to these individual actions being repeated by various individual people. The lack of deaf competence as a result of the consequences are often become serious and even devastating for some of the respondents.

This dissertation situates the emergence of gangsta rap from 1988-1997 within the historical trajectory of the American criminal justice system and the mass incarceration of African Americans. Specifically, it examines how the genre enacted the mark of criminality as a gesture of resistance in a period of sustained moral panic surrounding race and criminality in the United States. The mark of criminality refers to a regime of signifiers inscribed upon African American bodies that imagines black subjects as fundamental threats to social order. Drawing upon the theoretical resources of historical materialism and cultural studies, the project locates the mark of criminality within the social structures of capitalism, arguing that hegemonic fantasies of racialized criminality protect oppressive and exploitative social relations. The project concludes that while gangsta rap has many significant limitations associated with violence, misogyny, and commercialism, it nonetheless represents a salient expression of resistance that can inform broader interventions against the American prisons system. A number of questions guide this project. Chief among them are the following: In what ways does the criminal justice system operate as a site of rhetorical invention and hegemonic struggle? To what extent does gangsta rap enable and disable rhetorical and political agency? To what extent does it enable and disable interracial political practice? What are the implications of gangsta rap for a gendered politics of criminality? Three case studies demonstrate how specific gangsta rap artists inverted the mark of criminality toward the constitution of affirmative and resistant fantasies of black criminality. While the work of these artists, I argue, was significantly limited in its emancipatory potential, it nonetheless offered important insights into the contingency of race and crime in America. The project also considers how other rhetors responded to gangsta discourse, frequently toward the end of supporting hegemonic notions of race and criminality. The dissertation concludes that criminality functions as a vibrant site of rhetorical invention and resistance provided it is articulated to broader movements for social justice. While the often-problematic discourses of gangsta rap do not constitute politically progressive rhetorics in their own rights, they provide resources for the articulation of righteous indignation and utopian desires capable of challenging the prison-industrial complex. / text

Cette thèse traite des possibilités d’intégration de l’opinion publique dans les opérations du système de droit criminel. En s’appuyant sur le cadre de la théorie des systèmes de Niklas Luhmann et sur le concept de rationalité pénale moderne d’Alvaro Pires, cette thèse prétend faire une double contribution. D’un côté, il est question d’avancer des distinctions et des précisions théoriques sur ce qui peut constituer cette opinion publique – et même, de façon plus générale, les stimuli externes apparentés à ce concept (public, mouvements de protestation, victimes) – et d’examiner la façon de concevoir son rapport avec le système de droit criminel. D’un autre côté, il est question d’observer empiriquement les mécanismes que ledit système met en place pour gérer la pression qu’il ressent de son environnement. Qui plus est, en nous servant de ce concept de rationalité pénale moderne, nous essayons de montrer dans cette thèse que des stimuli externes qui prônent un système plus punitif et intolérant ont beaucoup plus de chances d’être entendus que des communications qui sont critiques à l’égard de la punitivité du système. Finalement, nous devons ajouter que ce travail a eu l’ambition de faire une « sociologie du droit avec le droit », c’est-à-dire que la sociologie qui a été mise en place ici a eu l’intention de prendre en considération le point de vue interne du droit. Ses catégories, son raisonnement et ses opérations sont traités à partir d’un cadre théorique de la sociologie, mais toujours en considérant que le système juridique a une logique propre qui est souvent oubliée par la sociologie du droit.