The Korean peninsula is crucial to China's political, economic and security interests because of a combination of geographic, historical, and political circumstances. China’s economic reforms and the end of the Cold War both provided new challenges and opportunities for Northeast Asian politics. This thesis will trace the shift in the policy of the People's Republic of China toward the Korean peninsula, and the resulting shift of primacy from North Korea to South Korea, as well as from political-military security to economic development. Yet this shift was not complete. The thesis will show how China has successfully maintained relations with both North and South Korea in what can be called a "double strategy" of ideological relations with the North and economic relations with the South. The two hypotheses of my research are: 1) China's economic reform policy was the most decisive factor which made China change from a "One Korea" policy to a "Two Koreas" policy, and 2) to maximize its national interest China has deftly used the "double strategy" to keep its traditional geo-strategic and military ties with North Korea, even as it has vigorously furthered new geo-political and economic ties with South Korea. The diplomatic history of Sino-Korean relations from 1978 to 2000 will be explored through an analysis of the empirical data of primary and secondary sources taken from documents, newspapers and academic texts.

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According to South Korea, there is no North Korea. In fact, the government considers itself the only legitimate state on the peninsula, much alike North Korea’s view. Officially, the two countries on the Korean peninsula are at war, having been in a ceasefire for 70 years. For many reasons, the countries have failed to reconcile and build peace, and a 4km wide demilitarised buffer zone remains as a closed border between the nations, separating families and making cross-border passage impossible. North Korea infamously perpetuates serious human rights violations and nuclear weapon development, further emphasising the urgency in finding ways of building peace on the Korean peninsula. This study aimed to investigate how tourism at the Korean border could aid the Korean reconciliation and reunification process. Tourism has been recognized as a central force shaping our world through its ability to build intercultural understanding and connection in an increasingly globalised world. The study applied a method of qualitative content analysis, and an analytical framework was created drawing on previous work on conditions for a positive peace-tourism nexus. When gathering data on what tourism projects have been in effect at the Korean border and applying conditions for tourism to have a positive influence on the peace process, results differed. While earlier projects did not show signs of having a positive effect, current projects provided more reason to believe they could provide an important alternative approach to peace building which would be less reliant on intergovernmental relations and therefore more able to work as a contributor to peace.

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This dissertation begins with a simple set of questions: how and why did the Western discipline of psychiatry gain traction in the Republic of Korea? My answers point to the Korean War and the US-ROK alliance as the two most important factors enabling this phenomenon. / East Asian Languages and Civilizations

地緣政治係俄羅斯制定外交政策的重要考量，俄羅斯領土橫跨歐亞洲，向東與東北亞地區相連，該區域之和平穩定關乎俄國國家利益。韓國位居朝鮮半島，因冷戰時期的意識形態對立，俄韓兩國無交流合作，然而隨著冷戰結束，國際局勢的變化替兩國發展交流帶來契機。 本文研究係從俄羅斯外交政策之演變探討俄國逐漸向東轉之因，後從兩國政治、經濟、安全三大面向之互動，歸納出俄羅斯對韓國外交政策方向。 / Geopolitics is the crucial concern for Russian foreign policy. Russia has the most extensive territory in the world, and its eastern part is right next to Northeast Asia, in which the stability and peace is Russia’s national interests. South Korea is located on the Korean Peninsula, but because of the ideological conflict in Cold War era, there was barely no exchange or cooperation between Russia and South Korea. However, after the end of Cold War, the change of international relations brought the opportunity to these two countries. The dissertation focuses on discussing the policy “Pivot to East”of Russian foreign policy, and sums up Russia’s Foreign Policy toward South Korea by studying the political, economic and security interactions between two countries.

Based on the appropriate archival collections, official documents, and various published materials, this dissertation is an investigation of American diplomacy in Korea from 1945 to 1953. Between the end of World War II and the close of the Korean fighting, the United States moved from a limited interest in Korea to a substantial involvement in that nation's affairs.

The first chapter describes the economic development of South Korea from the end of the WWII to the 90s, with regard to both inward and outward aspects. The second chapter analyses the current economic situation in the country. It deals with Korean agriculture, industry and service sector. It covers impacts of the Asian crisis from 1997 and the Financial crisis from 2008 on the Republic of Korea. In the third chapter the outward relations of Korea are described. It concerns with i.a. Korean trade policy, Korean trade, membership in international organizations and relations with certain countries.

南韓金大中總統在1998年2月上台時，提出一套與北韓達成和平、和解與合作為基礎的對北韓新政策－陽光政策。陽光政策係以善意、真誠化解北韓的敵意與戒心，使北韓願意與南韓對話與交流，協助北韓走出經濟困境與國際孤立，降低朝鮮半島緊張情勢，進而開放門戶，進行經改。 因此，金大中政府的對日政策，作為陽光政策的一環，不但呼籲南韓與日本走出歷史仇恨，大力推動與日本合作援助北韓糧食物資，還積極幫助日本與北韓關係正常化。讓原本存於日本與北韓交涉障礙中的「南韓因素」轉為正面的推力。此外，金大中政府的對日政策，亦積極主動地改善南韓與日本兩國關係。為因應1997年的金融危機，金大中拋出與北韓和解的陽光政策，在朝鮮半島上製造和平穩定的投資環境，俾利南韓經濟復甦，並力圖引進日本的資金與經援，助南韓早日走出經濟困境。 雖然日本極為擔憂南北韓有可能隨著南韓政府北韓交往政策的持續推動下，在歷史問題、領土紛爭，以及日本軍事能力發展上，達成共同反日陣線。但是，在日本的朝鮮半島政策之中，被民族主義所蒙蔽的小泉政府無法看清局勢，未能好好把握南韓金大中政府，這個前所未見的親日政權，加深與南韓緊密合作的關係，消除或淡化兩國間的歷史議題。同時，在陽光政策下推行經改急需建設資金的北韓，小泉政府也未能把握金正日國防委員長在政治及安全議題上讓步的機會，解決兩國間的懸案，一舉達成兩國建交，再利用經濟合作的機會，降低北韓的反日情緒。小泉政府卻不斷的做出讓周邊國家反感的舉動，像是每年參拜象徵日本軍國主義的靖國神社，大力提升日本自衛隊軍事能力，試圖打破和平憲法的框架等，反而加深與鄰國之間的隔閡。