楊逵在臺灣史上既是重要的社會運動家，也是知名的文藝工作者。從實地領導臺灣農民組合與臺灣文化協會，至以創作批判臺灣總督府扶植資本家成立製糖株式會社、臺灣拓殖株式會社等企業，假借農村繁榮和開闢山林為由，對臺灣土地進行的強取豪奪，楊逵從普羅大眾的視角出發，以左翼的社會運動與社會主義現實主義文學創作積極介入社會改造，堅定地表達反對殖民統治與階級壓迫的基本態度，擘畫公平、正義、民主、自由的理想社會。 一九四○年代，歷經日本殖民統治與國民黨政府兩個威權體制的高壓統治，臺灣人不僅因政權之遞嬗兩度變換國籍，也由於皇民化運動的推行與戰後全盤的中國化運動，遭逢兩次不同的國語政策與文化措施。毫無疑問，四○年代短短十年間是臺灣歷史上變動最為劇烈，也是考驗知識分子最為關鍵的時刻。可惜由於牽涉到皇民文學與二二八事件等政治上的禁忌，楊逵在這段時期的活動記錄幾乎呈現空白的狀況。本論文以《楊逵全集》編譯計畫進行期間，所蒐羅楊逵各類型的作品及其各種版本為基礎，配合近年間出土的第一手史料，藉由文學文本、歷史語境、文化現象等各方面的交互考察，為四○年代楊逵的社會運動與文藝活動進行補白的工作。此外，並借助薩伊德後殖民論述，檢視楊逵知識分子的文化立場，重構楊逵圖像。 在爬梳豐富的文獻資料之後，筆者發現無論外在環境如何艱困，楊逵總是能從艱難的時局縫隙中找尋出路；無論以文學創作針砭時政，或藉編輯刊物傳布左翼文學思潮與作品，或與日本、中國左翼作家間的交流與合作，莫不延續二○、三○年代勇敢對抗國家機器與霸權文化的批判精神，自始至終未曾偏離社會主義的階級立場。透過四○年代楊逵文學與思想的歷史研究，希望本論文不僅能為日後更為深入與更為全面性的楊逵研究做出貢獻，並能有助於了解臺灣知識菁英面臨政權更迭時的困頓與掙扎，及其社會參與和文化抗爭等諸多面向。

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / In pursuit of the objectives of the U.S. National Security Strategy and the National Military Strategy, the U.S. Armed Forces require access to military and logistics facilities overseas to be able to support and sustain its combat power projection. Access to these places translates into capabilities. An American military forward presence in time of peace as well as during a regional crisis lends credibility to U.S. diplomacy. Moreover, access to forward locations is expedient when engaging transnational threats or supporting humanitarian missions, e.g., the South and Southeast Asia tsunami relief operations. This thesis analyzes the political opposition to U.S. military presence in Thailand and the Philippines. The historical context that led to the development of this opposition is examined in detail. The rationale of those who oppose, as well as those who support, American military presence is clearly delineated. By understanding the sensitive political issues, U.S. military planners and operators can adapt base access strategies according to the existing political climate in these two countries. The politics unique to each environment will dictate the combination of "basing" approaches tailored to meet the U.S. military objectives as well as the public diplomacy required to support them. / Major (Select), United States Air Force

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2008. / Title from screen (viewed on June 2, 2009). Department of English, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Karen Kovacik, Jane E. Schultz, Thomas F. Marvin. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 57-61).

Although organised Marxist organisations did not emerge in Nigeria until the mid-1940s, leftist ideology had been prevalent among nationalist and labour leaders since the late 1920s. Both official documents and oral histories indicate deep-rooted support for leftism in Nigeria and anxiety among British colonial officials that this support threatened the Colonial Office's own timetable for gradual decolonisation. This study analyses the development of leftist ideology and attempts to establish a nationwide leftist organisation in colonial and post-independent Nigeria. The role of the Zikist movement is retold in light of new evidence, while other leftist organisations are salvaged from the footnotes of Nigeria nationalist history. More importantly, the adaptability of Marxist-Leninist ideology to colonial reality by the different leftist groups in Nigeria is emphasized. The reaction of Anglo-American officials in Lagos and the metropolis towards the Communist Party of Great Britain and other leftist organisations' sponsorship of Marxist groups in Nigeria are discussed. Lastly, the continuity between the departing colonial power and the Balewa administration is addressed to juxtapose the linkage between the two governments. The study thus provides a lucid explanation for the failure of leftist ideology and organisations in Nigeria during the twentieth century. In this eight-chapter thesis I consistently argue, based on official documents from England, Nigeria, and the United States, that the role of Marxists and Soviet Cold War interests in colonial territories are relevant to nationalism and decolonisation in Nigeria; that the issue is not to determine or measure whether or not Anglo-American policies are direct response to Soviet interests; that there are political, economic, and diplomatic policies carried out as part of the transfer of power process; and that the success of these is partly a result of collaboration with local subaltern leaders and official resolve to institutionalise imperial preferences before independence on October 1, 1960. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (History)

Cette thèse étudie les variations et les continuités dans la négociation des scènes médiatiques entre les gouvernements de gauche sud-américains et les grands groupes médiatiques nationaux au début du vingt-et-unième siècle. Elle se concentre sur deux cas principaux. D’une part, les deux premières présidences du Frente Amplio, en Uruguay : celles de Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) et de José Mujica (2010-2015). De l’autre, les présidences du kirchnérisme en Argentine : celle de Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) et les deux mandats de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (2007-2015). Finalement, on les compare avec un troisième cas : les deux premiers gouvernements d’Evo Morales, en Bolivie (2006-2015).L’approche théorico-méthodologique comporte trois dimensions. La première caractérise les systèmes médiatiques nationaux et se divise en deux plans. D’un côté, la structuration du champ politique : le poids relatif de l’Etat sur les médias et la centralité de la médiation des partis. D’autre coté, la structuration du champ médiatique : la configuration des principales entreprises médiatiques, ainsi que les cultures dominantes du journalisme politique. La seconde dimension est la communication politique, que l’on analyse au travers des stratégies d’apparition médiatique des gouvernements et des scènes des grands groupes médiatiques nationaux sur la politique nationale. La troisième dimension s’arrête sur les politiques de communication. Elle les analyse à partir de l’interaction entre les actions de réforme et d’intervention des gouvernements sur le secteur médiatique et les stratégies politiques et commerciales des grands groupes médiatiques nationaux.Cette thèse démontre que, dans des contextes marqués par une confrontation publique entre les élites politiques et les élites médiatiques, la négociation des scènes médiatiques a été fermement conditionnée par la corrélation des forces entre les acteurs, mais aussi par leurs idéologies et leurs répertoires d’action dans chaque pays. / This dissertation examines variations and continuities in the negotiation of media scenes between South America leftist governments and the large national media groups at the start of the 21st century through two main cases. First, the initial two presidencies of the Frente Amplio in Uruguay (those of Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) and José Mujica (2010-2015)). Second, the Kirchnerist presidencies in Argentina (that of Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) and the two of Cristina Fernández (2007-2015)). In the conclusion, it compares them with a third case: that of the first two governments of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006-2015).The theoretical-methodological approach consists of three dimensions. The first characterizes the national media systems, divided in two levels. One, the structure of the political field: the relative weight of the State over the media and the centrality of party mediation. Two, the structure of the media field: the configuration of the main media companies, as well as the dominant culture of political journalism. The second dimension is political communication, explored through the governments’ media strategies and the scenes of large national media groups on national politics. The third dimension focuses on communication policies, analyzing them through the governments’ reforms and interventions in the media sector, and the political and commercial strategies of the large national media groups.In contexts characterized by a public confrontation between political and media elites, this thesis shows that the negotiation of media scenes was strongly conditioned by the correlation of forces between the actors, their ideology and their repertoires of action in each country. / Esta tesis estudia las variaciones y continuidades en la negociación de las escenas mediáticas entre los gobiernos de izquierda sudamericanos y los grandes grupos mediáticos nacionales a principios del siglo XXI. Para hacerlo se focaliza en dos casos principales. Por un lado, en las dos primeras presidencias del Frente Amplio en Uruguay: las de Tabaré Vázquez (2005-2010) y José Mujica (2010-2015). Por otro lado, en las presidencias del kirchnerismo en la Argentina: la de Néstor Kirchner (2003-2007) y las dos de Cristina Fernández (2007-2015). En las conclusiones, los compara con un tercer caso: el de los primeros dos gobiernos de Evo Morales en Bolivia (2006-2015).El abordaje teórico-metodológico consta de tres dimensiones. La primera caracteriza los sistemas mediáticos nacionales y se divide en dos planos. Uno, la estructuración del campo político: el peso relativo del Estado sobre los medios y la centralidad de la mediación partidaria. Dos, la estructuración del campo mediático: la configuración de las principales empresas mediáticas, la estabilidad histórica de su línea editorial y de su propiedad, así como las culturas dominantes del periodismo político. La segunda dimensión es la comunicación política, a la que se indaga a través de las estrategias de aparición mediática de los gobiernos y de las escenas de los grandes grupos mediáticos nacionales sobre la política nacional. La tercera dimensión se detiene en las políticas de comunicación. Se las analiza a partir de la interacción entre las acciones de reforma e intervención de los gobiernos sobre el sector mediático y de las estrategias políticas y comerciales de los grandes grupos mediáticos nacionales.En contextos caracterizados por un enfrentamiento público entre élites políticas y élites mediáticas, esta tesis demuestra que la negociación de las escenas mediáticas estuvo fuertemente condicionada por la ideología de los actores, pero también por la correlación de fuerzas entre ellos y sus repertorios de acción en cada país.

Although organised Marxist organisations did not emerge in Nigeria until the mid-1940s, leftist ideology had been prevalent among nationalist and labour leaders since the late 1920s. Both official documents and oral histories indicate deep-rooted support for leftism in Nigeria and anxiety among British colonial officials that this support threatened the Colonial Office's own timetable for gradual decolonisation. This study analyses the development of leftist ideology and attempts to establish a nationwide leftist organisation in colonial and post-independent Nigeria. The role of the Zikist movement is retold in light of new evidence, while other leftist organisations are salvaged from the footnotes of Nigeria nationalist history. More importantly, the adaptability of Marxist-Leninist ideology to colonial reality by the different leftist groups in Nigeria is emphasized. The reaction of Anglo-American officials in Lagos and the metropolis towards the Communist Party of Great Britain and other leftist organisations' sponsorship of Marxist groups in Nigeria are discussed. Lastly, the continuity between the departing colonial power and the Balewa administration is addressed to juxtapose the linkage between the two governments. The study thus provides a lucid explanation for the failure of leftist ideology and organisations in Nigeria during the twentieth century. In this eight-chapter thesis I consistently argue, based on official documents from England, Nigeria, and the United States, that the role of Marxists and Soviet Cold War interests in colonial territories are relevant to nationalism and decolonisation in Nigeria; that the issue is not to determine or measure whether or not Anglo-American policies are direct response to Soviet interests; that there are political, economic, and diplomatic policies carried out as part of the transfer of power process; and that the success of these is partly a result of collaboration with local subaltern leaders and official resolve to institutionalise imperial preferences before independence on October 1, 1960. / History / D.Litt. et Phil. (History)

This research examines how the practice of curating has been used to further counter-hegemonic agendas in public art institutions since 1989. The central aim is to provide a fuller, contextualised, and medium specific understanding of the how the institutional exhibition might be used to challenge the hegemony of neoliberalism and the post-political consensus politics that sustains its dominance. It provides insights, through both historic case studies and reflective practice, that problematise the idea that the institutional art exhibition is a viable medium for counter-hegemonic critique, or represents the ideal space for the development of an agonistic public discourse. This thesis presents collaborative research undertaken with Tate Liverpool and Liverpool John Moores University. The research presented both extrapolated from, and contributed to, the development of an exhibition, co-curated with Tate Liverpool, entitled Art Turning Left (8 November 2013 – 2 February 2014) and a supplementary publication of the same name. The first section investigates how the idea that curators can counter neoliberal dominance, through institutional exhibition-making, developed. It draws from analyses of previous exhibitions, and the theory of Chantal Mouffe, in order to critically evaluate the curatorial application of counter-hegemonic critique and agonistic practice. It also provides a review of how exhibitions (held in major art institutions since 1989) have articulated politics, in order to determine their relationship to neoliberal dominance, and to identify significant gaps in the dialogue facilitated by these institutions. These analyses provides the theoretical and contextual grounding for the final two chapters, which provide a rationale and critical evaluation of my own attempt to develop an alternative counter-hegemonic curatorial strategy for the exhibition at Tate Liverpool. They document, and analyse, the areas of dissensus, and the ideological and pragmatic limitations that emerged, in trying to realise these theoretical propositions (in practice) in a public art museum. The thesis therefore provides a critical framework for the development of an alternative practice that positions the exhibition as a form of post-political critique and specifically targets the hegemonic role that institutional exhibitions play in reinforcing class distinctions and devaluing nonprofessional creativity.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Although many of Lola Ridge's poems champion the causes of minorities and the disenfranchised, it is too easy to state that politics were the sole reason for her neglect. A simple look at well-known female poets who often wrote about social or political issues during Ridge's lifetime, such as Edna St. Vincent Millay and Muriel Rukeyser, weakens such a claim. Furthermore, Ridge's five books of poetry illustrate that many of her poems focused on themes beyond the political or social. The decisions by critics to focus on selections of Ridge's poems that do not display her ability to employ multiple aesthetics in her poetry have caused them to present her work one-dimensionally. Likewise, politically motivated critics often overlook aesthetic experiments that poets like Ridge employ in their poetry. Few poets during Ridge's time made use of such drastically varied styles, and because her work resists easy categorization (as either traditional or avant-garde), her poetry has largely gone unnoticed by modern scholars. Chapter two of my thesis focuses on a selection Ridge's social and political poems and highlights how Ridge's social poetry coupled with the multiple aesthetics she employed has played a part in her critical neglect. My findings will open up the discussion of Ridge's poetry and situate her work both politically and aesthetically, something no critic has yet attempted. Chapter three examines Ridge’s role as editor of Modern School, Others and Broom. Ridge's work for these magazines, particularly Others and Broom, places her at the center of American modernism. My examination of Ridge's social poetry and her role as editor for two leading literary magazines, in conjunction with her use of multiple aesthetics, will build a strong case for why her work deserves to be recovered.