The overall aim of the thesis is to explore legislators’ perceptions of unaccompanied children in the development of migration law, and how case-officers transform the policy in arguments for and against residency in asylum-cases. More specifically, this thesis explores how Swedish legislators experienced parliamentary work when putting in place the 2005 Aliens Act and the new system for appeals and procedures. In addition, it explores legislators understanding of the concept of unaccompanied minors, and how the Swedish Migration Agency (SMA) case-officers understand unaccompanied minors’ credibility. It draws on interview data with 15 legislators of the Swedish parliament and an analysis of 916 decisions in asylum cases concerning unaccompanied minors. The thesis is theoretically informed by interpretative phenomenology and social constructionism. The method used builds on detailed coding procedures in qualitative social research as they are applied in interpretative phenomenological analysis (IPA), thematic analysis and text analysis. Study 1 examines the experiences of 15 legislators when negotiating migration reform in parliament. The findings indicate that the preceding political negotiations can be one of the reasons for unclear aims when politicians’ propose new legislation. In addition, it seems that other policy areas, such as fiscal considerations and state-municipality relations, took precedence in the negotiations when the legislators were attempting to make sense of their experiences in discussing asylum policy. Study 2 explores legislators’ perceptions of unaccompanied minors arriving in Sweden. The findings show that chronological age is a key reference point concerning how legislators understand unaccompanied minors’ claims for asylum and other needs. In addition, the findings suggest that legislators perceive unaccompanied minors as an ambivalent category and that this understanding is influenced by deep-rooted welfare ideology. Furthermore, the findings indicate that legislators develop policy concerning unaccompanied children without considering that they need to be recognised as individuals with different backgrounds, agendas and needs. Study 3 scrutinises how SMA case-officers construct unaccompanied minors credibility in asylum decisions. It shows that case-officers use similar techniques both when approving and rejecting decisions. These techniques consistently question the competence and political agency of the chid in such a way that the element of individual assessment in asylum procedure can become severely restricted. In brief, this thesis identifies that the connection between migration and child policy is complex as legislators appear to struggle with “drawing the limits” of who to include or exclude in policy aims. Hence, the juridical field was seen as the answer to improve legitimation. This also means that the concept of asylum has become de-politicised. In addition, case-officers also seem to use a limited repertoire of arguments when drawing the limits for unaccompanied minors’ credibility in asylum decisions. This thesis points to possible dilemmas in asylum policy and procedure concerning unaccompanied minors. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 1: Accepted. Paper 3: Manuscript.</p>

我國之政治文化從早期之臣屬型轉變為參與型，政治體制由威權體制轉型為民主體制，在民主化的過程中，立法院之結構與功能產生極大的變化，從以前「行政院之立法局」，成為今日全國政治運作的中心，復經六次修憲之結果，立法院集所有職權於一身，為民主國家實質的國會。 立法委員係在眾多優秀之候選人之中，經過選舉之洗禮產生，其專業素養、品德修養理應有超於常人之標準。惟揆諸今日之立法院，立法委員之表現似乎違背了多數選民之期待。有鑑於此，立法院於民國八十八年一月十二日，三讀通過了國會改革五大法案，之後復經歷次修正，期能改善目前議事效率與品質低落之窘境。 國會議事運作之失調，並非一朝一夕所造成，而是有其歷史性結構的因素。然時至今日，立法院的生態與以前大不相同，民國八十九年的總統大選亦首度出現政黨輪替的情形，惟國會的議事運作並未隨著民主政治的進步而改變過去非體制內之抗爭，反而有過之而無不及。 議事運作的過程中所產生之諸多問題，大多繫於利益之糾葛，近年來雖已陸續通過國會改革五大法案、公職人員財產申報法、公職人員利益衝突迴避法等規範公職人員倫理的法律，惟拘束力並不彰顯。因此，本研究經深度訪談、參與觀察及蒐集國內、外相關文獻，探討立法院議事運作失調之原因，並提出擬提昇立法品質與效率之方式，應從強化立法院內部之自律機制、公權力制衡與社會之監督三個面向，型塑國會倫理，始能為國會改革帶來新契機。同時，亦能建立我國立法問政之優良典範。 / The political culture of our country transformed from feudalism to participation, and the political system from autocracy to democracy. In the process of getting democratic, the structure and function of Legislative Yuan has altered dramatically. It used to be Legislative Bureau under the Executive Yuan, but now, it has become headquarter of national political operation. After the six constitutional amendments, Legislative Yuan has been literally the all-in-one congress in a democratic state. Legislators are elites with outstanding professional knowledge and morality, chosen out of a number of brilliant participants. On the other hand, though, the incumbent ones in the Legislative Yuan seem to let the voters down. To pull up this declination, the Legislative Yuan passed 5 major acts on congressional innovation after 3rd reading on January 12th, 1999, and several amendments following that, hoping to improve the inefficiency and low quality. The malfunction of Legislative Yuan didn’t start from yesterday but with historical background. Till now, the environment in it has been so different from before. The first rotation of ruling party took place in 2000, but this improvement in democracy made the working of congressional agenda have even more conflicts inside the framework. Most problems derived from the process of agenda processing can find its root in the tangle of benefit. Though the major acts on congressional innovation, the law of official’s property exposure, and the law to prevent official’s benefit conflict, that help regulate the virtues of officials, had been passed respectively, the binding force is not strong enough and obvious. Therefore, on the basis of interview, observation, and collection of the domestic and foreign document, this research will discuss the reasons leading to the malfunction of Legislative Yuan and come up with the quality and efficiency resolution, which is strengthen the self-control inside the structure, the balance of public power, and the monitor of the whole society. To bring a new opportunity for revolution in our congress, we have to mold the congressional ethics, and then a terrific well-function Legislative system can be built as well.

Based on the author's dissertation. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 395-408) and index.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-11T14:14:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Vladimir Meira Nunes.pdf: 2467427 bytes, checksum: f43b436137fb8e26bfd9f1e82c1d40e7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2016-04-28T18:16:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Vladimir Meira Nunes.pdf: 2467427 bytes, checksum: f43b436137fb8e26bfd9f1e82c1d40e7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:16:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação de Vladimir Meira Nunes.pdf: 2467427 bytes, checksum: f43b436137fb8e26bfd9f1e82c1d40e7 (MD5) / FAPESB / O estudo analisa a Geografia do Voto dos Deputados Estaduais e Partidos na Bahia, nas eleições de 2002, 2006 e 2010, buscando captar e avaliar supostos impactos produzidos sobre a localização das suas bases eleitorais, por força de seus reposicionamentos face às variáveis condições de ser governo, ou oposição, nos planos nacional e estadual. Além disso, procurou correlacionar as votações agregadas dos principais partidos no Estado com indicadores sociais, como IDH e População Rural dos municípios, visando mapear os perfis de suas bases, no que diz respeito às características urbanas e sociais e saber se eles sofreram modificações no período, também tendo em vista os referidos reposicionamentos. Buscou, ao mesmo tempo, problematizar essas questões a partir de referenciais da Teoria Democrática, assim como na literatura institucional acerca dos Sistemas Partidário e Eleitoral. Foram identificadas mudanças significativas na geografia das bases eleitorais dos principais partidos a partir dos reposicionamentos, mesmo com a manutenção dos respectivos padrões de votação antes predominantes. Nesse sentido, a análise das mudanças na geografia eleitoral dos deputados estaduais e partidos baianos ao longo das três eleições estudadas, apontou que o padrão de votação horizontalmente “disperso” é mais vinculado a deputados e partidos de governo, enquanto o padrão vertical “dominante” não é necessariamente governista, sendo afetado, também, pela trajetória anterior de cada partido. Os resultados sugerem também que o Legislativo baiano não possui um padrão oligárquico de competição, já que 52% dos seus parlamentares possuem votação Não-Dominante, ou seja, compartilham seus redutos eleitorais. Apesar disso, observou-se que o reposicionamento estadual provocado pelos resultados das eleições de 2006 atenuou, sem reverter, a tendência à ampliação da competitividade eleitoral nos municípios baianos, provocada pelo realinhamento nacional ocorrido em 2002.The study analyzes the geography of the Vote of Parties and State Representatives in Bahia in the 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections, seeking to capture and evaluate alleged impacts produced on the location of their constituencies , by virtue of its repositioning in the face of changing conditions to be government or opposition, in the national and state plans. In addition, sought to correlate the votes aggregates of the major parties in the state with social indicators such as HDI and Rural Population of the municipalities, aimed at mapping the profiles of their bases, with regard to urban and social characteristics and whether they have been changed in the period also with a view to repositionings. Search at the same time, discuss these issues from references of Democratic Theory, as well as in institutionalist literature on the Partisan and Electoral systems. Significant changes were identified in the geography of constituencies of the major parties from the repositioning, even with the maintenance of their voting patterns before prevailing. In this sense, the analysis of changes in electoral geography of state representatives and Bahian parties over the three studied elections, pointed out that the voting pattern horizontally "dispersed" is more linked to MPs and parties of government, while the vertical standard "dominant" is not necessarily ruling, being affected also from the previous path of each parties. The results also suggest that the Bahian legislative does not have an oligarchic pattern of competition, since 52% of its parliamentarians have vote Non- Dominant, ie shared their bailiwicks. Nevertheless, it was observed that the in state repositioning, caused by the results of the 2006 elections, were attenuated, without reversing the trend to expand the electoral competitiveness in Bahia municipalities, caused by national readjustment in 2002.

This study investigated the perceptions of influential relationships between Texas public university presidents, university system chancellors, and state legislators. The study's purpose was to examine Texas public universities engagement in lobbying type behaviors and whether public policy is affected through interaction and communication with legislative leaders. Moreover, of importance for this study was to identifying if Texas public universities actively work to influence the Texas legislature and if lobbying behavior exists whether or not that behavior influences public policy formation within the Texas legislative process. Lastly, this study focused on perceptions dealing with the Texas statute prohibiting state governmental agencies, including public universities and university systems, from influencing legislation through use of state funds. The study was conducted in the winter of 2003 and had 29 president / chancellor respondents and 88 legislator respondents. Three survey instruments were developed by the researcher to determine Texas public university president, system chancellor, and state legislator perceptions and attitudes concerning lobbying type activities, influence, and state statute compliance. Data reported consist of percentages, t-Test of significance, and Cohen's d effect size measure. Results from the study show agreement between the groups in areas of activities utilized to influence the legislative process and actual influence of public policy. Disagreement within statute compliance was reported between the groups.

No description available.

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux choix institutionnels des législateurs. Elle propose une analyse diachronique et comparative du développement des Chambre Nationale des Députés argentines et chiliennes des années 1940 aux années 2000. Inspiré de la théorie du Cartel (Cox et McCubbins, 1993), ce travail se concentre sur le rôle des partis politiques dans ce développement institutionnel. Il montre qu’en dépit de leurs différences, les partis uniques, coalitions, forces majoritaires ou minoritaires qui ont dirigé ces chambres ont adopté un large éventail de règles et de normes organisationnelles qui les avantagent. Ils se sont, en un mot, comportés comme des coalitions procédurales. L’analyse des modifications des règles de fonctionnement de ces chambres et de leurs systèmes de direction et de commissions montre que les partis et coalitions au pouvoir ont, pendant cette période, renforcé leur pouvoir, contrôlé l’agenda législatif, structuré les systèmes de commission et adopté des règles qui leur ont profité. Les résultats obtenus suggèrent en particulier que les coalitions qui ont dirigé la chambre Chilienne ont installé certains de leurs membres à plusieurs postes comme les présidences d’assemblée et de commissions. Ils montrent l’existence d’un pouvoir de véto sur l’agenda législative plus importante au Chili qu’en Argentine. L’étude du cas argentin montre que les partis au pouvoir ont, en particulier depuis les années 1960, conservé le contrôle de la chambre, non seulement en modifiant les règles et les structures du système de commissions, mais également en créant et distribuant à l’opposition des postes permanents mais sans réel pouvoir. Cette analyse confirme également les résultats obtenus par de récentes études concernant ce champ de recherche, notamment le professionnalisme du système de commission chilien et le caractère amateur des législateurs argentins. A l’inverse, elle met à jour des différences, négligées jusqu’alors, entre l’Argentine et le Chili concernant le contrôle de l’agenda législatif. Cette thèse est divisée en sept chapitres. Le premier introduit le sujet, l’hypothèse générale et les questions posées par la thèse, en expliquant également pourquoi les choix institutionnels des législateurs importent. Le chapitre II présente la théorie et la méthodologie. Il propose une définition du développement institutionnel et explicite les prédictions et critères permettant de tester l’hypothèse générale. Les chapitre III et IV, qui concernent respectivement l’Argentine et le Chili, décrivent le système politique de chaque pays et l’organisation des chambres durant la période étudiée. Les chapitre IV et VI, respectivement pour l’Argentine et le Chili, analysent les réformes des règles régissant les chambres, l’évolution de l’autorité qui les dirige et celle du système de commission. Ces chapitres se concluent par un résumé des différents schémas mis en évidence et une évaluation préliminaire de l’hypothèse générale. En conclusion, le chapitre VII résume les découvertes, donne un verdict global sur la fécondité de la théorie et suggère de nouvelles pistes de recherche. / This thesis is about the institutional choices of legislators. It provides a comparative and diachronic analysis of the institutional development of the National Chambers of Deputies of Argentina and Chile from the 1940s to the 2000s. Based on Cartel Theory (Cox and McCubbins 1993), it focuses on the role played by parties in this institutional development. It demonstrates that despite their differences, the various majorities and pluralities, single-parties and coalitions that ruled these Chambers have maintained and adopted a constellation of organizational rules and norms that advantaged their interests. In other words, they have behaved as procedural coalitions. The analysis of the reforms to the rules of these Chambers and of their directing board and committee systems indicates that ruling parties and coalitions have increased their power during the period, controlled the legislative agenda, structured the committee system, and adopted rules that benefit them on the floor. In particular, the results suggest that Chilean ruling coalitions have endowed several offices, such as the Presidency, the Chairs of committees, the committee on Finance (Hacienda) and on Rules, with negative agenda-setting power, and that some of them are more powerful than their Argentine’s counterparts. In the case of the Argentine Chamber, specifically since the 1960s, ruling parties have kept control of the Chamber not only by reforming the rules and structuring the committee system but also creating and distributing powerless but permanent positions to the opposition. The analysis also confirms previous findings made by recent studies in the subfield, specially the professionalism of the Chilean Committee system and the amateur character of Argentine legislators. By contrast, it shows differences in the agenda control between the Argentine and Chilean Chambers that were overlooked. The thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter I introduces the general hypothesis, the purposes and main questions of the thesis, and explains why the institutional choices of legislators matter. Chapter II presents the theory and the methodology. It provides the definition of institutional development and the criteria and predictions used to test the general hypothesis. Chapters III (Argentina) and V (Chile) offer an account of each country’s politics and a description of the Chambers’ organization during the period. Chapters IV (Argentina) and VI (Chile) analyze the reforms to the rules of the Chambers, and the evolution of the directing board and committee systems and conclude with a summary of the patterns found and a preliminary assessment of the general hypothesis. Chapter VII concludes. It sums up the findings, provides a final assessment of the theory, and suggests further avenues of research.

In this dissertation I systematically examine African-American and Latino legislator behavior in a legislative setting. The project specifically examines whether and how minority legislators represent and influence African American and Latino policy interests during the legislative process. I perform an analysis of minority legislator participation rates on bills and develop an original measure of substantive representation using patterns in legislative speech of state representatives’ language during committee hearings. I build on existing theory in the representation literature and offer new hypotheses for expanding the scope of how substantive representation is defined and investigated, namely through an empirical investigation of the link between deliberation and descriptive representation. Second, I collect an original data set and develop an original measure of substantive representation to test these hypotheses with participation rates and a linguistic frame based content analysis approach of minority and non-minority representatives’ language on bills for racial perspectives during state legislative committee hearings on several policy issue areas including, but not limited to education, healthcare, and immigration. Third, I offer a critical test of hypotheses to test whether African American and Latino representatives’ (1) participate more when the legislation is deemed minority interest in comparison to their non-minority counterparts? (2) their behavior (or deliberation style) is different from non-minority legislators? (3) impact the deliberation style of non-minority legislators? The analysis draws on original data collected through committee hearing tapes and online video archives of Texas committee hearings in multiple policy areas, and the findings indicate that minority legislators do indeed provide a voice for minority constituents, providing more minority interest language on minority interest bills in comparison to their non-minority colleagues, especially when the legislation is threatening to minority populations. These results support the argument that minority legislators do indeed substantively represent minority constituents at levels greater than non-minority representatives during the legislative process.

In this dissertation I systematically examine African-American and Latino legislator behavior in a legislative setting. The project specifically examines whether and how minority legislators represent and influence African American and Latino policy interests during the legislative process. I perform an analysis of minority legislator participation rates on bills and develop an original measure of substantive representation using patterns in legislative speech of state representatives’ language during committee hearings. I build on existing theory in the representation literature and offer new hypotheses for expanding the scope of how substantive representation is defined and investigated, namely through an empirical investigation of the link between deliberation and descriptive representation. Second, I collect an original data set and develop an original measure of substantive representation to test these hypotheses with participation rates and a linguistic frame based content analysis approach of minority and non-minority representatives’ language on bills for racial perspectives during state legislative committee hearings on several policy issue areas including, but not limited to education, healthcare, and immigration. Third, I offer a critical test of hypotheses to test whether African American and Latino representatives’ (1) participate more when the legislation is deemed minority interest in comparison to their non-minority counterparts? (2) their behavior (or deliberation style) is different from non-minority legislators? (3) impact the deliberation style of non-minority legislators? The analysis draws on original data collected through committee hearing tapes and online video archives of Texas committee hearings in multiple policy areas, and the findings indicate that minority legislators do indeed provide a voice for minority constituents, providing more minority interest language on minority interest bills in comparison to their non-minority colleagues, especially when the legislation is threatening to minority populations. These results support the argument that minority legislators do indeed substantively represent minority constituents at levels greater than non-minority representatives during the legislative process.

我國兵役制度從抗戰時期的「徵兵為主、募兵為輔」逐步走向「募兵為主、徵兵為輔」的募徵併行制，馬英九2008年當選總統，為落實競選政見，國防部規劃兵役制度轉型為募兵制，爰配合修正兵役法部分條文。 適逢立法院第七屆立法委員席次減半，由原本226席次減為113席次，委員自主性及影響力增強，執政黨組織行政院，亦掌握立院絕對多數席次，形成一致政府。 從公共政策過程理論來看，一個政策的推行，必須透過法律的制定、修正、廢止等方式，送請立機關完成政策合法化過程。本文從兵役法修法過程中，來探討國防部與立法委員互動關係，以提出加強其互動的具體建議。 基於以上的認知，本論文的發現如下： 一、法案草擬階段未讓立法委員有參與機會，使得政策規劃結果未能滿足立法委員的期許。 二、募兵制配套規劃尚未整合，法案先行送審，至國防部立論基礎薄弱，無法說服立法委員支持。 三、未公布政策影響評估，造成立法委員無法認同，讓立法委員對於募兵制無法成功產生的戰力空窗所造成的威脅感到質疑而無法認同法案。 四、與政策利害關係人的溝通不足，成為政策推動的阻力。 五、政策規劃評估不足，考量範圍不夠，形成爭議，造成立委抗拒。 六、立法委員對國防政策專業程度不足，需加強政策溝通。 七、挾持法案的議價協商，實際上係以其他利益交換為目的。 八、立法委員為貫徹黨紀，必要時，個人政治理念須妥協，國防部在政策溝通上，除了立法委員個人意見外，亦須積極遊說黨團。 / The military service system in Taiwan, or the Republic of China (R.O.C) Military Service System, has been gradually heading from a predominantly-conscription mode of recruitment, first adopted during the Period of the Second Sino-Japanese War, toward a predominantly-voluntary recruitment plan. To intiate such a transition and to keep the promises he gave before the 2008 presidential election, the president of the Taiwan (R.O.C.) Ma Ying-jeou urges that the Ministry of National Defense in Taiwan contrive a plan for the necessary modifications in the Taiwanese (R.O.C) law regarding the military service system. Also relating to this, it is to note that a 50% reduction of the number of the seats in the Legislative Yuan in the 7th general election of legislators, from 226 to 113 seats, granted each legislator more autonomy and opportunity to extend his/her personal influence than before, and that Taiwan was hence led by a government whose executive and legislative power came hand in hand becuase the ruling party not only able to organize the Executive Yuan but it also comprised the absolute majority in the Legislative Yuan, after the 2008 election. All taken into considertations, this dissertation aims to provide concrete suggestions as to the enhancement of the quality of the interactions between the Ministry of National Defense and legislators, from the analysis of such modifications. theoretically speaking, have to undergo the due processes to be implemented: the codification of law, a modification period, the abrogation of the inappropriate items of law, and a final evaluation by the Legislative Yuan. The findings are as follows: 1.The legislators' complaints about the unsatisfactory results of military policymaking may arise from a lack of opportunity for them to participate in the early processes. 2.Failure in establishing complementary measures for voluntary military recruitment before it reaches the Legislative Yuan, as well as a flimsy theoretical basis on which the Ministry of National Defense argues for it, make it difficult to persuade legislators that they should implement the new policies. 3.Legislators’ common worries about an imminent though transient threat, of a laspe of national armed force, which is deemed to be highly likely to result from such a change, have not been officially accounted for by the Ministry of National Defense. This prevents the legislators from agreeing to it. 4.The lack of effective communication among stakeholders of the policy impedes its implementation. 5.The lack of careful evaluations and an inclusive framework, make it controversial and legislators hate it. 6.Legislators are not proficient in the policymaking in terms of national defense, so the need more communication. 7.Negotiations are sometimes based on other commercial purposes. 8.Individual legislators, if necessary, are coerced to conform to the ideology upheld by their greater political party. The Ministry of National Defense has also to take into accounts the benefits of political parties.