Tolerância é um conceito complexo que tem a capacidade de velar, em certos discursos, essa mesma complexidade. Mas demonstrar a complexidade do conceito de tolerância é também denunciar a necessidade de uma ordem política e jurídica que assuma sua legitimidade na abertura aos processos e conflitos sociais de uma época pós-metafísica. Essa ordem parece ser mais bem abarcada pela teoria democrática proposta por Jürgen Habermas que, ao reformular a teoria crítica utilizando as ciências da reconstrução, pôde fundamentar a exigência de um conceito inclusivo de tolerância que se demonstra na abertura que o debate a seu respeito gerou. Neste sentido, afirma-se aqui que uma teoria crítica que trabalhe com as ciências reconstrutivas será capaz de exigir um conceito inclusivo de tolerância no âmbito de um mundo pós-metafísico, fazendo a normatividade depender tanto de estruturas de racionalidade como de sua situação histórica. Desse modo, a exigência de um conceito de tolerância inclusiva é resultado de uma teoria crítica que reconstrói padrões de racionalidade que perpassam as formas plurais da vida social contemporânea. / Tolerance is a complex concept that has the ability to hide, at certain speechs, the same complexity. But to demonstrate the complexity of the concept of tolerance is also to denounce the need for a political and legal order which takes its legitimacy in the opening to the social processes and conflicts of a post-metaphysical era. This order seems to be better embraced by democratic theory proposed by Jürgen Habermas that, by altering the critical theory using the reconstruction sciences, was able to justify the requirement for an inclusive concept of tolerance that demonstrates itself in the openness that the debate about it has generated. In this sense, it is stated here that a critical theory that works with the reconstructive sciences will be able to demand an inclusive concept of tolerance under a post-metaphysical world, making the normativity dependent of rationality structures and of their historical situation. Thus, the requirement of a concept of inclusive tolerance is the result of a critical theory that rebuilds rationality standards that underlie the plural forms of contemporary social life.

Mong, Ih-ren Ambrose. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-144). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- "What, then, does Dr. Newman mean by Liberalism?" --- p.7 / Chapter 2 --- Biographical Sketch --- p.22 / Chapter 3 --- A Critic of Liberalism --- p.46 / Chapter 4 --- The Liberalism of Newman --- p.80 / Chapter 5 --- Newman's Liberalism in the Context of Contemporary Pluralism --- p.103 / Conclusion --- p.131 / Bibliography --- p.139

Från liberalism till realism i svensk migrationspolitik efter flyktningskrisen 2015

The aim of this Master’s thesis is to examine how representations of identity construction are performed through the characters in the novel Snabba Cash by author Jens Lapidus. I examine what means the characters are using, and how the identity construction processes are related to the idea of modern society. For a theoretical background I use sociologist Anthony Giddens’ theories regarding modernity and self-identity, to study general identity construction. Due to the fact that the three main characters of the novel are all men, I also examine the construction of masculine identity using sociologist R.W. Connell’s theories about hegemonic masculinity. Lastly, I use theories about representations by mass communication professor Stuart Hall, in order to examine the representation of reality presented in the novel. The study is performed within a Sociology of Literature framework, and the method used is a form of ideology analysis.The result shows that the three characters have a lot in common regarding how they define themselves as men. They tend to use the same features in order to appear masculine, with a few divergences. I found that the criminal life style that they are all embracing is a fruitful means in their work of construction and re-construction of their masculine identity, but that criminality is not essential in this process. Modernity is also a key factor to the reflexive project that is elementary in construction of a self-identity, and its wide range of possibilities is more or less the key to identity construction and re-construction. / Uppsatsnivå: D

This dissertation analyzes the impact of mid-nineteenth century liberal reforms in Bogotá’s urbanization process. It focuses particularly in the disentailment of corporate and common property decreed in 1861 by President Tomas Cipriano de Mosquera. Through disentailement the government attempted to resolve the fiscal crisis that had affected Colombia during the nineteenth century and also to stimulate the economy by putting a considerable mass of real estate in the market. However, disentailment was also, and more than anything, a legal reform that transformed the existent property regime as well as prevalent social relations around property. Until the middle of the nineteenth century, most of Bogotá’s inhabitants lived and worked on municipal and church properties under ambiguous possessory and usufruct agreements that were protected by colonial law and custom. Disentailment not only ended corporate privileges, but abolished the plurality of forms of transfer and landholding that had prevailed during the centuries of colonial domination, to replace them with a system of private property. Paying particular attention to the daily negotiations between urban tenants, the merchant class and the state, this dissertation examines the difficult and incomplete transition from colonial forms of property possession and conveyance to a system of private property, and from colonial legal pluralism to the legal monism that characterized mid-century liberalism. In analyzing how accepted legal and costmary practices slowly proscribed by state action, this dissertation reveals also the relationship between the process of state formation, Colombia’s integration into the world market, and the roots of urban extralegality.

Intellectual elites have been the collective agents responsible for many democratic transitions worldwide since the early twentieth century. Intellectuals, however, have also been blamed for the evils in modern times. Instead of engaging in abstract debates about who the intellectuals are and what they do, this project studies intellectuals and their ideas within historical contexts. More specifically, it examines the social forces behind the evolving political attitudes of Chinese intellectuals from the late 1970s to the present. Chinese politics has received an enormous amount of attention from social scientists, but intellectuals have been much less explored systematically in social sciences, despite their significant role in China’s political life. Chinese intellectuals have been more fully investigated in the humanities, but existing research either treats different “school of thought” as given, or gives insufficient attention to the division among the intellectuals. It should also be noted that many studies explicitly take sides by engaging in polemics. To date, little work has thoroughly addressed the diversity and evolution, let alone origins, of political ideas in post-Mao China. As a result, scholars unfamiliar with Chinese politics are often confused about the labels in the Chinese intelligentsia, such as the association of nationalism with the Left and human rights with the Right. More important, without considering how the ideas took shape, we would not adequately understand the political trajectory of communist China, where elite politics and local policies have been profoundly shaped by intellectual debates. This dissertation takes a relational approach to the intellectual debates in contemporary China by analyzing the formation of political ideas and crystallization of intellectual positions. It asks two questions: who are the Chinese liberals, and how were their distinctive bundles of political views formed? Drawing on 67 semi-structured interviews with Chinese intellectual elites across the ideological spectrum, as well as detailed historical and textual analyses, this dissertation examines the social forces that have shaped the political attitudes of liberal intellectuals in contemporary China. It argues against the prevailing attempts to define Chinese liberalism as a social category with a coherent ideology comparable to its Western counterpart; rather, as a community of discourse that contains a number of competing and contradictory discourses, it is embedded in China’s social reality as an authoritarian regime governed by a communist party, and contingent on China’s history straddling the Maoist and post-Mao eras. Rather than a monolithic or tight-knit group, Chinese liberals are comprised of an array of social actors, including scholars, journalists, lawyers, activists, and house church leaders. They are liberal not because of what they are for, but because of what they are against; more specifically, Chinese liberals are united by an anti-authoritarian mentality, which is a historical product of the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to 1976 and the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. In addition to biographical factors, the views of Chinese liberals have been shaped by structural factors represented by the neoliberal reforms and the rise and growth of the intellectual field since the 1990s, as well as interactive factors manifested by the polar opposition between the liberals and the New Leftists. On the one hand, as state-driven capitalism unleashed China’s economic potential, China was well on its way to becoming a major player in the international community toward the end of the 1990s; on the other hand, the fusion of the free market and political power led to rampant corruption and social injustice. How to make sense of China’s crony capitalism became an important dividing line between the New Left and liberalism. As the intellectual debates were increasingly cast as part of global cultural production, how to appropriate Western thinkers and concepts became a site of contestation. While the dramatic expansion of higher education led to the growth of the intellectual field with its own logic and rules, in which both liberals and New Left intellectuals were struggling for symbolic power, the penetration of the political field remained, not only in terms of visible incentives and punishments, but also in terms of its subtle influence on the manner of problem construction and debate. Through combative interactions, the liberals and the New Leftists have defined themselves by reference to each other. In the process of binary opposition, the views of both sides have moved further and further apart with little overlap. This dissertation contributes to political sociology and the sociology of knowledge in three ways. First, departing from the conventional approach that takes political orientations for granted, it takes a relational approach by analyzing the dynamic processes of ideological formation and polarization. Second, it traces the process of ideological alignment and differentiation on three levels: structural, interactive, and biographical. Third, while it has been observed that intellectual elites have been the collective agents responsible for many democratic transitions worldwide since the early twentieth century, the internal division of the intellectuals has received much less attention. My work addresses this issue by analyzing how the Chinese intelligentsia has structuralized into binary opposition since the Tiananmen Square protests. In particular, I treat political ideas as historical contingencies, rather than fixed properties, that are internally shaped by “fractal distinctions.”

A proposta desta dissertação é analisar a teoria da justiça republicana de Philip Pettit. Isso exige, inicialmente, o desenvolvimento de sua concepção de liberdade como não dominação, central para o modelo de republicanismo do autor. A partir deste concepção de liberdade, é possível a formulação de uma concepção de justiça republicana, a qual permite o desenvolvimento de instituições políticas destinadas a maximizar a não dominação nas relações entre os cidadãos e nas relações destes com o próprio Estado. Com referência às relações entre os cidadãos, Pettit apresenta instituições nacionais voltadas à infraestrutura, seguridade e defesa. Já as relações dos cidadãos com o Estado levam Pettit a formular uma teoria republicana da democracia, a qual possui um caráter tanto participativo quanto contestatório. Além disso, acreditamos que a teoria da justiça de Pettit, para se mostrar relevante no âmbito da teoria política normativa contemporânea, deve ser comparada com o liberalismo-igualitário de John Rawls, o qual ocupa posição de destaque neste debate. Assim, defenderemos o republicanismo de Philip Pettit como uma alternativa ao liberalismo de matriz rawlsiana, problematizando alguns pontos do pensamento deste autor. / The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze Philip Pettits republican theory of justice. This demands, initially, the development of his conception of freedom as nondomination, which is central to his republicanism. From this conception of freedom, its possible to develop a republican conception of justice, which allows us to design institutions encharged of maximizing non-domination on the relationships between citizens and between these citizens and the state. Regarding the relationship between citizens, Pettit develops domestic institutions on the domains of infrastructure, insurance, and insulation. And regarding the relationship between the people and the state, Pettit builds a republican theory of democracy, which has a system of participation and contestation. Besides this, we also believe that Pettits theory of justice, in order to prove its relevance on the contemporary normative political theory, needs to be compared with John Rawls liberal-egalitarianism, a doctrine that has a prominent site on this debate. Therefore, we stand up for Philip Pettits republicanism as a alternative to the Rawlsian republicanism, but also stress some problematic issues on the work of the former.

陳立程. / "2002年7月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2002. / 參考文獻 (leaves 106-114) / 附中英文摘要. / "2002 nian 7 yue" / Chen Licheng. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2002. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 106-114) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 鳴謝 --- p.i / 論文撮要 --- p.ii / 目錄 --- p.iv / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言：政治自由主義的興起 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 知識份子與國家：文獻評論與本文分析框架 --- p.5 / Chapter 第一節 --- 中國知識份子與國家關係簡述 --- p.5 / Chapter 第二節 --- 知識份子與國家關係的硏究模式 --- p.7 / Chapter (一) --- 知識份子對國家的依附：「庇護主義」 --- p.7 / Chapter (二) --- 對知識份子自主性的思考一一市民社會與公共領域 --- p.12 / Chapter (三) --- 對市民社會的質疑一一制度分析 --- p.15 / Chapter (四) --- 其他的分析模式 --- p.17 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.18 / Chapter 第三節 --- 分析架構 --- p.18 / Chapter (一) --- 思想史的進路 --- p.19 / Chapter (二) --- 知識份子與意識形態 --- p.19 / Chapter (三) --- 分析框架 --- p.21 / Chapter (四) --- 資料蒐集方法 --- p.25 / Chapter 第三章 --- 政治自由主義的內涵 --- p.30 / Chapter 第一節 --- 自由主義在中國的命運 --- p.30 / Chapter 第二節 --- 政治自由主義的主張 --- p.34 / Chapter (一) --- 存有差異的自由主義觀 --- p.34 / Chapter (二) --- 財產權是個人自由的基石 --- p.35 / Chapter (三) --- 市場對資源的分配最有效率 --- p.35 / Chapter (四) --- 憲政與法治是自由主義的制度核心 --- p.36 / Chapter (五) --- 自由主義對政府的要求爲有限政府 --- p.36 / Chapter (六) --- 民主必須建基於自由之上 --- p.37 / Chapter (七) --- 消極的政治觀 --- p.38 / Chapter 第三節 --- 從「新左派」與「自由主義」之爭談起 --- p.39 / Chapter (一) --- 論爭的興起 --- p.39 / Chapter (二) --- 論爭的聚焦點 --- p.39 / Chapter (三) --- 新左派與自由主義的互相指責說明了什麼 --- p.41 / Chapter 第四節 --- 經濟自由主義與政治自由主義 --- p.43 / Chapter (一) --- 新左派與經濟自由主義爭論些什麼 --- p.44 / Chapter (二) --- 論爭焦點的轉變 --- p.45 / Chapter (三) --- 政治自由主義言說的公開 --- p.46 / Chapter (四) --- 政治自由主義論述的核心 --- p.48 / Chapter 第五節 --- 政治自由主義的內涵 --- p.49 / Chapter 第六節 --- 小結 --- p.51 / Chapter 第四章 --- 政治自由主義興起原因之一：國家與知識份子的分離 --- p.57 / Chapter 第一節 --- 官方意識形態的轉變 --- p.57 / Chapter (一) --- 真理標準大辯論 --- p.57 / Chapter (二) --- 新的社會發展藍圖 --- p.60 / Chapter (三) --- 效率：衡量經濟發展成效的標準 --- p.61 / Chapter (四) --- 市場調節：提高經濟效率的主要手段 --- p.62 / Chapter (五) --- 社會發展總綱領：社會主義現代化強國 --- p.63 / Chapter 第二節 --- 促成八十年代知識份子與國家之間合作的基礎 --- p.64 / Chapter (一) --- 黨內意識形態競爭中知識份子的作用 --- p.64 / Chapter (二) --- 知識份子對新的社會發展藍圖的認同 --- p.66 / Chapter (三) --- 知識份子與國家合作的基礎 --- p.67 / Chapter (四) --- 知識份子與國家合作的形式 --- p.70 / Chapter (五) --- 自由的訴求：知識份子在思想領域的超越性？ --- p.72 / Chapter 第三節 --- 國家與知識份子的分離´ؤ´ؤ六四運動 --- p.73 / Chapter (一) --- 國家與知識份子分離的前提 --- p.73 / Chapter (二) --- 六四：反國家的運動？ --- p.74 / Chapter (三) --- 知識份子在六四運動中的作用 --- p.77 / Chapter (四) --- 六四如何推動知識份子與國家的分離 --- p.78 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小結 --- p.79 / Chapter 第五章 --- 政治自由主義興起原因之二：觀念分裂的結果 --- p.83 / Chapter 第一節 --- 知識份子新社會發展藍圖探索的開展 --- p.83 / Chapter (一) --- 啓蒙陣地的轉移 --- p.83 / Chapter (二) --- 「市民社會」熱潮 --- p.85 / Chapter (三) --- 新的社會發展藍圖´ؤ´ؤ自由主義 --- p.86 / Chapter 第二節 --- 經濟自由主義思潮的興起 --- p.86 / Chapter (一) --- 經濟自由主義的內涵 --- p.86 / Chapter (二) --- 經濟自由主義出現的前提：八十年代有經濟自由主義嗎？ --- p.88 / Chapter (三) --- 九十年代經濟自由主義思潮的體現 --- p.90 / Chapter (四) --- 經濟自由主義言說公開化的條件 --- p.91 / Chapter 第三節 --- 鄧小平九二南巡的影響 --- p.92 / Chapter (一) --- 南巡講話的意涵 --- p.92 / Chapter (二) --- 南巡講話的衝擊：意識形態式的還是象徵式的？ --- p.93 / Chapter (三) --- 南巡與經濟自由主義的興起 --- p.94 / Chapter 第四節 --- 政治自由主義的興起 --- p.95 / Chapter (一) --- 在財產權與市場經濟的背後 --- p.95 / Chapter (二) --- 政治自由主義對經濟自由主義的超越 --- p.97 / Chapter (三) --- 政治自由主義興起的基礎 --- p.98 / Chapter 第五節 --- 小結 --- p.99 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結語 --- p.102 / Chapter (一) --- 硏究總結 --- p.102 / Chapter (二) --- 硏究貢獻 --- p.103 / Chapter (三) --- 硏究限制 --- p.104 / 參考文獻 --- p.106 / 附錄：六四運動資料摘錄 --- p.115

Tolerância é um conceito complexo que tem a capacidade de velar, em certos discursos, essa mesma complexidade. Mas demonstrar a complexidade do conceito de tolerância é também denunciar a necessidade de uma ordem política e jurídica que assuma sua legitimidade na abertura aos processos e conflitos sociais de uma época pós-metafísica. Essa ordem parece ser mais bem abarcada pela teoria democrática proposta por Jürgen Habermas que, ao reformular a teoria crítica utilizando as ciências da reconstrução, pôde fundamentar a exigência de um conceito inclusivo de tolerância que se demonstra na abertura que o debate a seu respeito gerou. Neste sentido, afirma-se aqui que uma teoria crítica que trabalhe com as ciências reconstrutivas será capaz de exigir um conceito inclusivo de tolerância no âmbito de um mundo pós-metafísico, fazendo a normatividade depender tanto de estruturas de racionalidade como de sua situação histórica. Desse modo, a exigência de um conceito de tolerância inclusiva é resultado de uma teoria crítica que reconstrói padrões de racionalidade que perpassam as formas plurais da vida social contemporânea. / Tolerance is a complex concept that has the ability to hide, at certain speechs, the same complexity. But to demonstrate the complexity of the concept of tolerance is also to denounce the need for a political and legal order which takes its legitimacy in the opening to the social processes and conflicts of a post-metaphysical era. This order seems to be better embraced by democratic theory proposed by Jürgen Habermas that, by altering the critical theory using the reconstruction sciences, was able to justify the requirement for an inclusive concept of tolerance that demonstrates itself in the openness that the debate about it has generated. In this sense, it is stated here that a critical theory that works with the reconstructive sciences will be able to demand an inclusive concept of tolerance under a post-metaphysical world, making the normativity dependent of rationality structures and of their historical situation. Thus, the requirement of a concept of inclusive tolerance is the result of a critical theory that rebuilds rationality standards that underlie the plural forms of contemporary social life.

European citizenship is a concept whose importance has increased since it was introduced in the Maaastricht Treaty. One significant actor, perhaps the most significant actor, for making EU-citizenship into more than a symbolic concept. However, the Court has been criticised, most notably by Fritz Scharpf (2009), for undermining national sovereignty and legitimacy of the Member States and strenghtening the EU’s liberal character, at expense of the republican element in national democracies. This study takes a stand against Scharpf’s portayal of the EU-as an extremely liberal polity by examining six of the Court’s rulings on Union citizenship. It  answers  the  research question:  how closely does  the  EU-citizenship  align with either a  republican or liberal  understanding of citizenship? The results points towards a greater presence of republican mores in EU-citizenship than one might expect and that the Court takes an active role in strengthening republican elements.