Orientador: Jose Roberto Rus Perez / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T03:05:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mello_MarinilzesMoradillo_D.pdf: 8481458 bytes, checksum: 4b9e853951dd4819131c31498df93ccb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: O trabalho aborda o processo de policy making em Guarulhos ao longo de três legislaturas (1997-2004). Ressalta a tensão entre o governo local e a Secretaria do Estado da Educação de São Paulo quanto ao processo de municipalização do ensino fundamental, o qual culmina com a rejeição pela instância municipal do modelo de municipalização proposto e a constituição do sistema municipal educacional de Guarulhos. Assinala que, embora importantes, dispositivos constitucionais e legais não foram suficientes para alterar o quadro educacional local. A mudança só ocorreria após 2001, com a chegada ao poder de atores sociais e políticos, oriundos de partidos e entidades de classes, com destaque para o PT e a APEOESP, comprometidos com a questão social e com os ideais de participação e justiça social. / Abstract: The study aims to analyze the process of policy making alongside three legislatures (1997-2004). It stresses the tension between local government and SEE-SP in relation to elementary school, which culminated with the rejection of the municipalization model proposed by São Paulo State and the constitution of the educational system of Guarulhos Municipality. It claims that although relevant, the legal apparatus - derivated from Brazil Constitution and its major educational law (LDB) - was not able to prevent entirely certain political practices at local government or to assure the required investment in elementary education. The study sustains that changes in the educational frame of Guarulhos occurred only from 2001, when came to power social and political actors, representatives of PT (Workers' Party) and APEOESP (The Teachers' Union for Public Schools in the State of Sao Paulo), both compromised with the social question and the idea of justice and social participation. / Doutorado / Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos / Doutor em Educação

Orientador: Luciana Ferreira Tatagiba / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T02:50:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_ElielsonCarneiroda_D.pdf: 3529904 bytes, checksum: a2f18ba3633cc14a39dc5e81c96214fb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O objetivo geral desta pesquisa foi avançar na compreensão acerca dos resultados institucionais da participação social no Orçamento Participativo, mais especificamente no que tange à relação entre participação e empoderamento em contextos políticos tradicionalistas. Tratou-se de investigar, nos processos e dinâmicas no interior do OP, se e até que ponto se verifica uma mediação política que favorece o empoderamento social, entendido, em termos gerais, como um processo de conquista ou reforço das capacidades individuais ou coletivas para a realização de escolhas intencionais, que serão transformadas em ações governamentais eficazes e que levarão aos resultados desejados. Portanto, duas ordens de questionamento foram investigadas: a dinâmica e os resultados da participação da comunidade no Orçamento Participativo, visando testar em que medida a participação dos atores sociais foi marcada pela autonomia no processo participativo e se tal participação resultou no empoderamento social. O contexto empírico concreto da pesquisa foi o município de Araraquara (SP). Nesta pesquisa o empoderamento foi medido pelo nível de decisão e autonomia do governo e da sociedade civil em termos de formulação, implementação e monitoramento das políticas. Os pressupostos de pesquisa foram testados mediante a análise da atuação dos indivíduos no processo de definição de prioridades e do plano de investimentos do Orçamento Participativo, a percepção destes agentes sobre sua participação na experiência e os aspectos legais e formais da autoridade dos delegados e conselheiros eleitos. Para tanto, utilizou-se os procedimentos de investigação participante, um survey aplicado aos delegados do OP e entrevistas em profundidade realizadas com os conselheiros do OP e com membros do governo e da burocracia municipal. No que tange aos resultados, aponta-se que a criação de arenas participativas como o Orçamento Participativo é uma medida para o empoderamento social, no entanto, o grau de eficácia democrática e os resultados da participação cidadã são condicionados por um lado, pela capacidade da sociedade civil e pelo tecido social pré-existente e, por outro, pela natureza da oportunidade estrutural formal. No caso específico da experiência analisada, é possível afirmar que o OP de Araraquara resultou em um nível elementar de empoderamento dos atores sociais e este baixo nível de empoderamento social pode ser explicado a partir da compreensão do desenho participativo interativo, ou seja, à forma como se articularam as variáveis intervenientes nos resultados da participação: o padrão associativo da população araraquarense, a vontade política e o desenho institucional. O processo do OP de Araraquara foi marcado por importantes limitações e severas assimetrias de poder / Abstract: The purpose of this study was to analyze the dynamics and outcomes of community participation in participatory budgeting in order to test the extent to which participation of social actors was on autonomy in the participatory process and that participation resulted in social empowerment. The context specific empirical research was the city of Araraquara (SP) and the purpose of this systematic research on participatory experience that was reflected from the underlying assumptions of research, the extent to which the government sought to involve and commit individuals in the registry of a more autonomous and to what extent the government exercised control over mechanisms of such participation. In this sense, from conducting a survey and in-depth interviews, investigated the views of these representatives regarding their influence on the preparation of investment plans, the strategies they employed to secure resources and the exercise of authority over the process of decision making, as well as monitoring and surveillance process. With regard to results, it is notable that there was a relative autonomy of representatives, demonstrated by the considerable freedom to organize the process of public involvement in the OP. This freedom was guaranteed, mainly due to the existence of a robust participatory design based on the experiences of Porto Alegre and Caxias do Sul implemented at the beginning of the first government, when there was a political will to strengthen the participatory process and ensure that there was a recognition that the community actually interfered in the definition of investment, this design greatly conditioned the actions of the government and the community. An outcome of the process, there was one on community empowerment, to the extent that it interfered greatly in the definition of investment - although it was noted the absence of effective monitoring of works of investments defined in OP as well as the establishment of rules for functioning. It appears that the primary objective of the government to create the OP was in Araraquara defuse opposition at City Hall and guarantee mechanisms of governance, ie, there was a visible face, to democratize public management, and a hidden face, defuse opposition at City Hall. To the extent that solidified a strategy of institutional relationship with the Legislative Hall, which turned out to neutralize the action of the opposition that institution become loose alliance priority with the community through the Participatory Budget and the project has come to occupy a peripheral space in government / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Cette thèse examine la transformation du système d’organisation des entreprises et entités administratives à Songjiang, une ville situées à la périphérie de Shanghai, après la prise du pouvoir par le parti communiste chinois en 1949. La période étudiée concerne la première décennie de transformation socialiste jusqu’à la veille du Grand Bond en avant. La thèse établit tout d’abord la place de Songjiang dans l’espace régional et les systèmes d’administration locale pré-existants au régime communiste. La mise en place d’une nouvelle administration se fait rapidement et sans heurts et s’accompagne d’un travail important d’enquête sur le tissue social et économique. C’est sur la base de ces enquêtes que le système des unités de travail est mis en place. Il se traduit par des restrictions grandissantes des activités économiques privées et la prise de contrôle de la production par des entités contrôlées par les autorités locales. L’artisanat et le commerce, les deux activités principales de Songjjiang, font l’objet d’une étude détaillée qui souligne le grand souci des autorités d’obtenir une connaissance très fine de ces secteurs en vue de modifier radicalement le système économique local. / The dissertation examines the transformation of the system of organization of companies and administrative entities in Songjiang, a town located in the vicinity of Shanghai, after the takeover by the Chinese Communist Party in 1949. The period under study deals with the first decade of socialist transformation until the eve of the Great Leap Forward in 1957. The dissertation first established the place of Songjiang in the regional context and the pre-existing systems of local administration. The establishment of the new communist administration proceeded quickly and smoothly. It was accompanied by an important work of survey of the social and economic system. It is on the basis of these surveys that the system of work units was implemented. It turned into increasing restrictions on the private economic sector and the takeover of production by entities under the control of the local authorities. Handicraft and trade, the two main activities in Songjiang, became the focus of detailed studies that show the concern of the new administration to acquire a deep knowledge of these sectors before the planned radical transformation of the local economic system.

<p>The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work.</p><p>A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics.</p><p>At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis.</p><p>The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs.</p><p>A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.</p>

The thesis studies the county governors of northern Sweden during the period 1634–1769, altogether 41 men, and their part in the ongoing state formation process during the early modern period. The office of county governor was established in the constitution of 1634 and played an integral part in the modernisation of the local and regional administration of the Swedish realm. The governors’ primary tasks were to monitor the bailiffs and other civil servants and to protect the interests of the Crown. Another task was to maintain the communication between the King and the subjects. The Crown wished to increase its control over the political, economic, ideological and military spheres of society, in the pursuit of greater revenues and more conscripts to army, among other things. Special interest is paid to four different aspects of the governors and their work. A study of the governors’ conception of their position and duties of the office shows that their valuation of the office varied with the individual office-holder’s personal status and situation. Many governors uttered sentiments reminiscent of a patrimonial administration, although the system de jure showed many bureaucratic characteristics. At the county council, a former arena of regional self-government, the governors met and interacted with the subjects and announced decrees from the Crown. The county council was an important forum for regional administration and interaction, although it was not sanctioned in law, and therefore held at an ad hoc basis. The daily work of the governors varied with the changing times and conditions of the region and the realm as a whole. In times of war, military matters were predominant in the governor’s correspondence with the King. But the daily administrative work on the regional and local level was never dominated by military issues. All different aspects of society had to be kept in working order, whether the realm was at war or not. The supplications that were sent from the subjects to the governor also always had a good chance of being granted. This was an important tool for legitimating the prevailing social order. The rulers of the realm thereby presented themselves as benign and ready to attend to the subjects’ needs. A few governors of northern Sweden were subjected to the investigations of royal commissions, but none of the them were deposed by such commissions. The investigations were caused by complaints from other civil servants, military officers and also from the populace. The accusations pertained to abuse and neglect of office and violations of the rights of specific groups.

Much emphasis has been given to the damages and loss experienced in the 1999 earthquakes with little research however on the social and administrative causes, and in particular on the consequences of malpractice of planning previous to the natural hazard. Reviewing the case of Adapazari, the three succesive periods of plan making and implementation are critically investigated here to establish the extent that planning decisions of the local authorities and their modes of enforcement have generated adverse results causing the loss of many Lifes. The analysis required the combination of data sources on plan decisions and the consequences of the disaster, accommodated in the different authorities. Surveying the scope and decisions of 1957-70, 1970-85, and 1985-99 plan periods, and comparing these decisions in their spatial context with the loss and damage experienced, provides sufficent evidence of the causality. It is possible to identify that decisions of increased densities and building higher, changes to commercial uses in the CBD, siting of individual buildings, removal of open spaces all had their share in contributing the dramatic panaroma of losses. v Findings indicate strong correlations of loss of life with increased number of floors in buildings in the 27 districts of Adapazari. It is particularly evident that greatest damages occured due to the 1985 plan decisions, when all powers of comprehensive plan-making were transferred to the local authorities, central authority control powers being removed. So long as local interests can not be curbed in plan preparation avoiding control with reference to the criteria of &lsquo / public benefit&rsquo / , many other cities in Turkey are likely to have similar fate in the near future.

Orientador: Luciana Ferreira Tatagiba / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T02:08:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Teixeira_AnaClaudiaChaves_D.pdf: 1351247 bytes, checksum: 53405143479033b9cc90462019e5ae5a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A democracia participativa foi uma construção histórica, feita por atores concretos de esquerda que, buscando responder a problemas concretos, fizeram escolhas e produziram experiências e discursos que resultaram na ampliação dos sentidos da democracia no Brasil. Esta tese busca cotejar passado e presente, tendo como ponto de partida os sentidos e as opções históricas que os atores tinham diante de si no contexto dos anos 1970. Ao utilizar textos produzidos em cada período, tanto de acadêmicos quanto de militantes, o trabalho recupera as distintas visões e o imaginário social construído sobre o tema no interior da esquerda e busca compreender porque determinados modelos institucionais de democracia participativa e não outros saíram "vencedores". Aqui, o patamar normativo é inserido como elemento da avaliação e não algo que deva ser superado em nome de uma avaliação objetiva das experiências de democracia participativa / Abstract: Participatory democracy was a historic building, made by concrete left actors that seek to respond to concrete problems. These actors made choices and produced experiences and discourses that resulted in the expansion of the meanings of democracy in Brazil. This thesis aims to collate past and present, taking as its starting point the senses and historical options that actors had in the context of the 1970s. Using texts produced in each period, both academics and activists, the thesis retrieves distinct visions and social imaginary built on the theme inside the left and tries to understand why certain institutional models for participatory democracy and not others were "winners". Here, the normative level is part of the evaluation and not something that should be surpassed in the name of an objective evaluation of the experiences of participatory democracy / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutora em Ciências Sociais

L’action publique territoriale est confrontée à des enjeux de rationalisation liés au projet de réforme territoriale et à la contrainte de réduction du déficit et donc de la dépense publique. Le présent travail de recherche tente de définir un cadre de compréhension et d’intervention pour une action publique territoriale plus performante centrée sur le concept d’intégration. Cette thèse cherche donc à proposer une définition pour l’action publique territoriale intégrée en trois axes qui correspondent chacun à un chapitre. Pour optimiser l’action publique territoriale, celle-ci doit prendre en compte la diversité des enjeux territoriaux (et notamment la compétitivité, l’attractivité et la soutenabilité), les combinaisons complexes d’échelles territoriales emboîtées et enchevêtrées ainsi que la diversité des temporalités des acteurs constituant le territoire. Ce travail s’est appuyé sur l’exemple des politiques publiques en matière de zones d’activités économiques sur les territoires des Ardennes, du Rhône et du Vaucluse. La zone d’activités apparaît comme une forme datée d’aménagement économique car elle est monofonctionnelle et la plupart du temps de faible qualité architecturale et urbanistique. Elle ne représente, malgré son coût pour l’action publique, qu’une part faible des emplois sur un territoire (15-20%). Malgré cela, les politiques publiques de zones d’activités restent relativement présentes dans l’action publique. D’une manière plus générale, les politiques publiques de développement économique apparaissent comme un bon exemple pour explorer le concept d’intégration dans la mesure où elles sont mobilisées par tous les échelons territoriaux et se trouvent au croisement d’enjeux économiques, environnementaux et sociaux. Pour aller plus loin, ce cadre de compréhension et d’intervention mériterait d’être testé en recherche intervention. Son application pourrait être explorée avec d’autres politiques publiques. / The French public territorial action has to be rationalized: At the beginning of the eighties begins decentralization of power toward the local authorities. It keeps on today and is completed by a wish of simplification. Besides, French public action faces today to more and more restricted financial capacities. Rationalization of French public intervention is so, more than ever, at stake. The present work aims at defining a frame of comprehension and intervention for a more efficient public action based on the concept of “integration”. This thesis offers a definition of “integration” organized around three axes: the French Public Action has first to take in account diversity of stakes (competitiveness, attractiveness, sustainability), then the combination of territorial scales (fitted and muddled), and diversity of perception of time by the different actors who constitute the territory. This work leans on the example of “trading estate” in three French localities Ardennes, Rhône and Vaucluse. “Trading Estate” seems to be a “has been” form of economic town planning because of the lack of mixity and their low architectural quality. “Trading estates” represent a weak part of jobs on a territory (15-20%), however it stays a relatively often mobilized public policy. More generally speaking, public policies concerning economic development constitute a relevant field to explore the concept of “Integration” because all scales of local and regional authorities intervene in matter of economic development. Besides, it contains at the same time economic, social and environmental stakes. To go further, the frame of comprehension and intervention which is here proposed should be applied and experimented in real conditions and maybe in other fields of public policies.

Suite à un long processus, la Turquie a obtenu le statut de pays candidat en 1999 et elle a commencé les négociations avec les institutions européennes en 2005. En effet, la Turquie s’engage à l’harmonisation de ses systèmes juridique, politique et institutionnel avec celui de l’UE. Certes, c’est l’État turc qui exclusivement participe à ces négociations, ses collectivités locales sont cependant concernées. Depuis 2003, le gouvernement a mis en place une série de réformes pour moderniser l’administration publique. Cette modernisation s’appuie sur « la décentralisation à la turque » qui permet de réorganiser les relations et les répartitions des compétences entre l’État et ses collectivités locales auxquelles les lois confèrent une autonomie administrative et financière. Grâce à l’introduction des instruments variés, le droit des collectivités locales est en pleine mutation. Plusieurs indices mentionnés révèlent, que les revendications et le droit de l’UE sont à l’origine de cette mutation. Partant de l’idée que la pratique des pays membres, conduit à reconnaître que l’UE et les entités infra-étatiques sont comme des partenaires, les collectivités locales turques cherchent un nouveau rôle vis-à-vis de l’UE. Ce partenariat se base sur la gouvernance à multi-niveaux. Cependant, ni le droit turc ni le droit de l’UE ne privilégient la place des collectivités locales turques dans cette politique. D’ailleurs, certaines relations que les collectivités locales entretiennent avec leurs homologues européens au sein de l’UE et ses institutions engendrent une véritable intégration / After a long process, Turkey became a candidate country in 1999 and started to negotiate with the European institutions in 2005. Turkey is indeed committed to harmonizing its political, juridical and institutional system with the EU. Certainly, it is only Turkish state which is taking part in in these negotiations, local authorities are however concerned. Since 2003, the government has established reforms in order to modernize public administration. This modernization is based on “Turkish decentralization” which enables to reorganize relationships and the division of expertise between the state and local administration to which laws give administrative and financial autonomy. Thanks to the introduction of various instruments, territorial communities law is changing. Many indications that the EU is at the origin of these mutations. Assuming that the practice of member states leads to the recognition that the EU and local administrations function as partners, the Turkish local administrations are aspiring to a new role regarding the EU. This partnership is based on multi- level governance. Nevertheless, neither the Turkish law or the EU law, favor the position of local administrations in this politic. Besides, some relations that local administrations have within the EU, lead to a true integration

La décision de doter la ville de Lyon d’une mairie unique (ventôse an XIII) intervient peu après la proclamation du Premier Empire et témoigne de l’importance qu’attachait son chef à la réhabilitation d’une entité administrative et politique locale fiable. Dès vendémiaire an XIV (septembre 1805), une municipalité se met en place. Un personnel politique de plus en plus renouvelé par rapport à celui de la Révolution est appelé à gérer la ville sous l’étroite surveillance du pouvoir central et de son représentant départemental, le préfet. L’analyse de sa composition comme celle du fonctionnement quotidien de la municipalité est en mesure de nous aider à appréhender dans sa complexité le projet napoléonien de réorganisation politique et administrative du pays. L’examen de la genèse et du fonctionnement ordinaire d’une administration en développement ainsi que les relations complexes entretenues avec le gouvernement impérial débutent l’étude. Puisque les édiles sont au cœur de l’élite fusionnée dont Napoléon souhaite doter la France, les différentes caractéristiques du corps édilitaire sont l’objet central d’une approche de type prosopographique qui englobe aussi l’analyse des solidarités qui mêlent les personnalités du corpus à des réseaux d’influence de dimension locale, régionale ou nationale. La présentation et la mise en perspective des actions conduites par la mairie unique sous l’Empire complètent l’ensemble qui a pour ambition de situer le cas lyonnais au sein du système napoléonien en formation et de participer à son intelligibilité. / Shortly after the announcement of the First Empire, Lyons was given a unique mayor. This emphasized the importance given to the rehabilitation of a local and administrative centre. Since September 1805, some important men gathered to rule over Lyons. These men, who were replacing the former leaders who played an important part in the 1789 Revolution, were assigned new duties. They had to rule over the city under the strict surveillance of the national authorities and their representative, called the préfet. Thanks to the deep analysis of this new ruling system on a daily basis, we can better understand the Napoleonic plan which aimed at reorganizing the whole country on different political and administrative scales. This study begins with the examination of an expanding administration and the complex relationships with the imperial government. The town councilors belonged to the élite whom Napoleon wanted to endow France with. The study focuses on the main characteristics of these councilors who mixed with other leaders who tended to influence them on a local regional or national scale. This study ends with the presentation and the comparison of the different actions led by the local administration during the Empire. This whole study aims at dealing with the example of Lyons in the forming Napoleonic system