La Bibliothèque universelle des romans (1775-1789, 224 vol.) est une collection littéraire périodique à vocation vulgarisatrice, apparue sous l’initiative du marquis de Paulmy dont la bibliothèque personnelle (actuelle Arsenal) fournit le matériau de départ, et que celui-ci dirigea des commencements à l’année 1779. L’étude du traitement réservé à la littérature médiévale dans cette importante collection soulève plus généralement la question de sa réception à la fin du XVIIIe siècle et de la place qu’occupent la BUR et ses rédacteurs dans l’histoire des études littéraires. Notre travail a consisté d’abord à identifier les collaborateurs du périodique, leur rôle respectif et leurs sources. Le passage d’un réservoir précis de textes à une bibliothèque romanesque imprimée passe dans la BUR par la pratique de l’extrait, technique dont nous nous sommes attachés à montrer qu’elle aboutissait, de recherches en essais, à la formation d’un véritable genre critique. De ce corpus d’extraits émerge en effet, sous la plume des rédacteurs de la BUR, l’élaboration d’une histoire littéraire dont il s’agit de présenter ici les résultats. / The Bibliothèque universelle des romans (1775-1789, 224 vol.) is a literary periodical collection with a non-scientific claim, initiated by the marquis de Paulmy whose personal library (now the Arsenal Library) provided the first material. Paulmy managed it from the beginning until 1779. The way this important collection deals with medieval literature raises the general question of its reception at the end of the 18th century, and the role occupied by the BUR and its authors in the history of literary studies. Our work primarily consists in identifying the contributors, their relative part in the laboratory of the Arsenal, and their source materials. The transition from a specific corpus of texts to a printed library of novels requires, in the BUR, the practice of extracting, an approach, as we try to show, that results –from research to testing– in the creation of a real critical genre. From this corpus of extracts emerges indeed, under the pen of the BUR’s authors, the formulation of a literary history that we intend to present in this work.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Luiz dos Santos Freitas.pdf: 1729230 bytes, checksum: e7d679f4e2631e15354d1871185a9c39 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-20 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Amazonas / As a means to recover the political trajectory of Rio Negro at the moment its juridical status was elevated from Captaincy to Province, this work focuses on the rivalries and political clashes between local and Pará authorities around the debates on their autonomy. After the country´s independence, Rio Negro has lost its status as a province. Thus, the study sought to bring about the long process for the establishment of Amazonas Province. In addition to the core issue, the survey provided a glimpse of absence of the stresses occurring in the Amazon region and conflicts fought in the House of Representatives (Câmara dos Deputados) for the political emancipation of Rio Negro in the regional historiography, which led to the creation of the province of Amazonas. The analysis of these struggles for Rio Negro autonomy, took into account the economic and geopolitical issues faced by regional and national authorities. Overall, this study aimed at bringing out the history of the political constitution of the state of Amazonas, often viewed as expendable if compared to subjects considered as most needed in the context of a globalized world. It is understood that the political constitution of a territory does not guarantee any of its inhabitants´ access legal, economic and political benefits, which have come out of such new order. However, autonomy is the first step towards a new beginning / Recuperando a trajetória política do Rio Negro no momento em que seu status jurídico passou de capitania à província, esta dissertação enfoca as rivalidades e embates políticos entre as autoridades locais e as do Pará em torno dos debates sobre sua autonomia. Após a Independência do país, o Rio Negro perdeu sua condição de província. Assim, o trabalho buscou trazer a tona o longo processo para o estabelecimento da Província do Amazonas. Para além da questão central, a pesquisa propiciou o vislumbre da ausência, na historiografia regional, das tensões ocorridas na região amazônica e dos embates travados na Câmara dos Deputados pela emancipação política do Rio Negro, que deu origem à Província do Amazonas. A análise desses embates pela autonomia rio-negrense levou em consideração as problemáticas econômicas e geopolíticas enfrentadas pelas autoridades regionais e nacionais. No conjunto, esta pesquisa objetivou trazer à tona a história da constituição política do Amazonas, geralmente vista como dispensável diante de temas considerados mais necessários na conjuntura de um mundo globalizado. Entende-se que a constituição política de um território não garanta, a nenhum de seus habitantes, o acesso aos benefícios políticos, jurídicos e econômicos provenientes dessa nova ordenação. Contudo, a autonomia é o primeiro passo para um novo começo

Democracy seems to be in crisis and scholars have started to consider the possibility that “the only game in town” might be rigged. This book theorizes the crisis of democracy from a structural point of view, arguing that liberal representative governments suffer from systemic corruption, a form of political decay that should be understood as the oligarchization of society, and proposes an anti-oligarchic institutional solution based on a radical interpretation of republican constitutional thought. If one agrees that the minimal normative expectation of liberal democracies is that governments should advance the welfare of the majority within constitutional safeguards, increasing income inequality and the relative immiseration of the majority of citizens would be in itself a deviation from good rule, a sign of corruption. As a way to understand how we could revert the current patterns of political corruption, the book provides an in-depth analysis of the institutional, procedural, and normative innovations to protect political liberty proposed by Niccolò Machiavelli, Nicolas de Condorcet, Rosa Luxemburg, and Hannah Arendt. Because their ideas to institutionalize popular power have consistently been misunderstood, instrumentalized, demonized, or neglected, part of what this project wants to accomplish is to offer a serious engagement with their proposals through a plebeian interpretative lens that renders them as part of the same intellectual tradition. In this way, the book assembles a “B side” of constitutional thought composed of the apparent misfits in a tradition that has been dominated by the impulse to suppress conflict instead of harnessing its liberty-producing properties. As a way to effectively deal with systemic corruption and oligarchic domination, the book proposes to follow this plebeian constitutionalism and instituionalize popular collective power. A proposed plebeian branch would be autonomous and aimed not at achieving self-government or direct democracy, but rather at an effort to both judge and censor elites who rule. The plebeian branch would consist of two institutions: a decentralized network of radically inclusive local assemblies, empowered to initiate and veto legislation as well as to exercise periodic constituent power, and a delegate, surveillance office able to enforce decisions and impeach public officials. The establishment of primary assemblies at the local level would not only allow ordinary people to push back against oligarchic domination through the political system but also inaugurate an institutional conception of the people as the many assembled locally: a political collective agent operating as a network of political judgment in permanent flow. The people as network would be a political subject with as many brains as assemblies, in which collective learning, reaction against domination, and social change would occur organically and independently from representative government and political parties.

Dans une perspective historique, ce mémoire s'intéresse à une certaine tradition interprétative de l'œuvre du marquis de Sade, de Guillaume Apollinaire à Pierre Klossowski en passant par Georges Bataille et le groupe surréaliste. S'inspirant à la fois des travaux en esthétique de la réception et des théories de la lecture (Jauss, Fish, Charles), ainsi que de la notion de figure (Auerbach, Gervais), il procède à une « critique de la critique » en retraçant les grands moments de la période dite de la « dialectisation » de la réception de l'œuvre de Sade - celle qui fait suite à la « médicalisation » et qui précède sa « textualisation », selon les catégories mises de l'avant par Michel Delon. S'il s'agit en premier lieu de faire l'archéologie de la figure de Sade pendant le XIXe siècle français, il s'agira ensuite de montrer que c'est sous un mode conflictuel que l'œuvre sadienne circule au sein de l'avant-garde dans la première moitié du siècle suivant. Dans les lectures de Sade qui seront convoquées, une place particulière sera faite à la polémique qui éclate entre Georges Bataille et André Breton dans les années vingt, puisqu'au cœur de cette querelle d'interprétation sont mis à nu certains enjeux de pouvoir qui travaillent toute gestion d'héritage. En ce sens, ce mémoire se propose, dans l'esprit de ce que Nathalie Heinich nomme l'« anthropologie de l'admiration », de mesurer ce que l'on pourrait appeler l'« effet Sade » dans l'entre-deux-guerres français : la glorification souterraine dont sa figure a été l'objet et qui amène ceux qui veulent s'en prendre à un certain ordre du monde à chercher sous son « envergure contradictoire » (Annie Le Brun) le terreau fertile qui leur est nécessaire pour ancrer leurs révoltes. Autrement dit, il s'agira de cerner comment et pourquoi, après que le sceau de l'interdit ait pesé aussi longtemps sur l'œuvre sadienne, elle est devenue l'une des références majeures de la critique française du dernier siècle. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : littérature et scandale, anthropologie de l'admiration, conflits de lecture, réception critique, posture de l'héritier, figures, marquis de Sade, Georges Bataille, André Breton, surréalisme.

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This thesis will study three specific subjects in order to document changing viewpoints in American culture in relation to nationalism, patriotism, and memories from older generations. It will be studying a space- Bunker Hill, a place- Independence Hall and a person- Marquis Lafayette at approximately fifty years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Each subject will explore the ways the memory of the soldiers involved in the American Revolution have been preserved and remembered. It is the intent of this thesis to establish the importance of the passage of time especially when it comes to preserving historic artifacts and buildings and the way the changing associations have on how we preserve these artifacts. / The triumphal tour of Marquis Lafayette -- Independence Hall -- Bunker Hill Monument. / Department of Architecture

This dissertation investigates the diverse ways in which the Portuguese language expanded in Brazil, despite the multilingual landscape that predominated prior to and after the arrival of the Europeans and the African diaspora. It challenges the assumption that the predominance of Portuguese was a natural consequence and foregone conclusion of colonisation. This work argues that the expansion of Portuguese was a tumultuous process that mirrored the power relations and conflicts between Amerindian, European, African, and mestizo actors who shaped, standardised, and promoted the Portuguese language within and beyond state institutions. The expansion of Portuguese was as much a result of state intervention as it was of individual agency. Language was a mechanism of power that opened possibilities in a society where ethnic, religious, and economic criteria usually marginalised the vast majority of the population from the colonial system. Basic literacy skills allowed access to certain occupations in administration, trading, teaching, and priesthood that elevated people’s social standing. These possibilities created, in most social groups, the desire to emulate the elites and to appropriate the Portuguese language as part of their identity. This research situates the question of language, identity, and power within the theoretical framework of Atlantic history between 1695 and 1822. Atlantic history contributes to our understanding of the ways in which peoples, materials, institutions and ideas moved across Iberia, Africa and the Americas without overlooking the new contours that these elements assumed in the colony, as they moved in tandem, but also contested each other. Focusing on the mining district of Minas Gerais for its economic and social importance, this dissertation draws on multiple ecclesiastical and administrative sources to assess how ordinary people and authoritative figures daily interacted with one another to shape the Portuguese language.

This research presents a regional study of the implementation of the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act (commonly known as the New Poor Law) and its operation in Hertfordshire up to 1847. It examines the economic costs of poor relief across the whole of this rural southern county but it also adopts a microhistory approach to examine in detail how the New Poor Law was implemented and administered in four poor law unions: Hatfield, Hitchin, St Albans and Watford. This study makes national and intra-county comparisons of poor relief data, policy and practice. This research focuses on people as well as place and examines how different groups influenced poor law policy and practice. It makes an important finding about the role played by the second Marquis of Salisbury (a prominent Hertfordshire resident) in the review of the poor laws and the legislation that followed. At the local level this thesis explores the process of implementation and gives new emphasis to the contribution made by the assistant poor law commissioners to both process and policy in the initial years of the New Poor Law. This study is unusual in the attention given to the middlemen of the poor law machinery - the poor law guardians and poor law officers including: medical officers, workhouse masters, relieving officers and schoolmasters and mistresses. This detailed examination of the local guardians challenges the existing historiography on the social demography of this body of men, demonstrates that the influence of elite personnel persisted and adds new data to support the argument that the operation of the poor laws was not just regionally but locally diverse. The workhouse, so symbolic of the New Poor Law and an essential component of the deterrent ideology, is considered in the context of attitudes around its construction and capacity as well as its everyday operation. This thesis adds to the poor law historiography with new data on a previously under-researched area of the country; it provides new information on the development of poor law policy, but more importantly it draws attention to the role of the middlemen and how their individual contributions influenced poor law policy and practice.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-06T16:57:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Peixoto, Rafael-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2211346 bytes, checksum: 6c99bc564a35f53c74cec9b0ce5f5d2f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-06T16:57:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Peixoto, Rafael-Dissert-2013.pdf: 2211346 bytes, checksum: 6c99bc564a35f53c74cec9b0ce5f5d2f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O presente trabalho visa apresentar o processo de elaboração da Lei de 7 de novembro de 1831, passada para a História como "lei para inglês ver". Percebendo-a como associada às disputas políticas pelo controle do Estado Imperial durante a conjuntura de 1826-31, buscamos aferir de que maneira a questão da abolição do comércio da escravatura no Brasil foi utilizado como importante instrumento político pelas facções políticas da época, divididos, num primeiro momento, entre partidários e opositores à figura de D. Pedro I, e, depois, entre moderados, exaltados e caramurus. Neste contexto, procuramos destacar a atuação política do marquês de Barbacena, Felisberto Caldeira Brant Pontes de Oliveira Horta, figura central na política do Primeiro Reinado e autor da referida lei. / This research aims to present the emergence of the Law of November 7th, 1831, known in history as “lei para inglês ver”. Realizing that this law was associated with political disputes over control of the imperial State during the juncture of 1826-1831, we aim to assess how the matter of the abolition of slavery trade in Brazil was used as an important policy tool for the political factions in that time, divided at first, between supporters and opponents to D. Pedro I, and then between moderates and exalted and caramurus. In this context, we emphasize the political role of the Marquis of Barbacena Felisberto Caldeira Brant Pontes de Oliveira Horta, a central figure in the politics of the First Reign and author of the stated law.

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