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States are facing tough economic times as a result of the housing market bubble exploding. States have been declaring budget deficits and major program cuts, since revenues have not kept up with expenditures and rainy day funds have been practically exhausted. State tax revenues have decreased, resulting from a decline in income tax revenues, one of the major sources of revenues for a large number of states (41 in total). A majority of these states have come to depend heavily on the revenue they collect from income taxes, which can represent as much as 40% of state tax revenue. This thesis focuses on the impact that income tax revenue has on state budgets and how it affects certain expenditures. To provide a more complete understanding on how fiscal policy affects the citizen directly, this thesis compares the changes in state's total tax revenue and spending on education and health programs between states that levy income tax and states that do not. Data from the United States Census Bureau and the National Association of State Budget Officials was analyzed by calculating the growth rate and relevant elasticities during 2006-2010, the years before, during, and after the last recession. Results will show a difference in changes in revenue and expenditure between the two types of states and a more sensitive elasticity for non-income tax states for both revenue and expenditure. With a better understanding of how the tax base behaves and how revenue affects programs, an improved tax policy that could produce more efficient services for citizens might be created.

BACKGROUND: Despite large investments in maternity care services, perinatal health outcomes in the U.S. are among the worst compared to other industrialized countries, with documented perinatal health disparities disproportionately impacting racial and ethnic minorities. Midwifery-led freestanding birth centers (FSBC) have emerged as an underutilized model for the safe and cost-effective care of women with low-risk pregnancies. Despite approximately 85% of all US pregnancies being considered low-risk, only 0.5% of all US births occurred in a FSBC in 2016. The goal of the study is to elucidate strategies used to develop and sustain freestanding birth centers (FSBCs) that are seeking to serve high proportions of publicly-insured women and women of color. METHODS: I conducted an embedded unit case study, including semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus groups with 49 stakeholders from three exemplary FSBCs. Supplemental interviews were led with five key informants from three additional FSBCs and a relevant national membership organization. Additional data sources used to complete this case study include, where relevant and permitted, observations of maternity care settings, patient-provider encounters, management meetings, community events, and review of pertinent documents. Qualitative analysis methods were used to identify common themes and variations. FINDINGS: Midwifery-led birth center care can improve the experience and outcomes of maternity care among publicly insured women of color. The study revealed persistent multi-level challenges, as well as the use of common approaches to overcome these organizational, financial, and cultural barriers, resulting in greater, yet still fragile, access to family-centered intrapartum care within the communities in which these FSBCs operate. CONCLUSIONS: The careful integration of FSBCs into health systems such as a Federally Qualified Health Center (FQHC) may contribute to the broad scale-up of this underutilized model of care. While integrating FSBCs into FQHCs may be helpful in expanding equitable access to birth center care, it is not necessary, and also not sufficient. Expansion efforts should include additional deliberate processes and strategies to ensure equitable uptake and sustainability of birth center care. / 2020-10-23T00:00:00Z

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美國前總統歐巴馬於2010年簽署之法案「病人保護暨可負擔醫療法」（Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, PPACA）又稱「歐巴馬醫療法」（Obamacare），主要目的之一在於提升對人民醫療照顧的保障，擴大人民的醫療照顧覆蓋面，並讓醫療保險成為可負擔的，具體改革面向主要在公共醫療照顧的範圍擴大、對人民強制納保規定，與對於商業醫療保險之各種規制，而從歐巴馬醫療法內容中，得以探討美國如何在維持既有醫療照顧體系架構、商業醫療保險為主導的模式中，透過對商業醫療保險的規制來成就相當於社會保險所實現的社會安全，並與我國作比較，雖然主要採取之醫療照顧模式不同，但同樣在促成全民納保的社會國目的之達成，兩國背後的立法背景、操作上有何異同，以及會遇到之爭議與困境何在，並且進一步思考是否有讓我國在處理目前制度問題的值得參考之處。 本文先論述美國傳統對於醫療照顧的心態與背景，並介紹美國的醫療照顧制度與衍生的問題，並從中了解醫療照顧之相關權利、全民納保觀念在美國的發展狀況，接著介紹歐巴馬醫療法的發展過程與實際內容，聚焦在擴大醫療照顧覆蓋面與令醫療保險成為可負擔之相關規定，並了解幾個重要的聯邦最高法院對歐巴馬醫療法之違憲審查判決中對爭議的處理，之後觀察歐巴馬醫療法如何透過對商業醫療保險的規制來讓其能成就社會安全功能，並追蹤後續歐巴馬醫療法實施後之成效與未來可能變化。對照我國，在介紹我國全民健康保險之發展與內容後，比較兩國在促成全民納保的背景、立法與釋憲過程中的爭議為何且如何處理、全民納保的操作內容，以及醫療照顧相關權利的承認與否、商業醫療保險的角色等，也從中討論是否有我國在解決現今全民健保之問題上可參考之面向。

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This study examines state variations in health care services for children with Autism and other developmental disabilities across the fifty states through the Autism and Developmental Disabilities Monitoring Network (ADDM). The ADDM network monitors and tracks the number of children with Autism and other developmental disabilities. The purpose of this study is, first, to understand the differences between the states in the implementation of the ADDM network and, second, to determine what state factors (political variable, i.e., party identification; structural administrative variables, i.e., Medicaid Home and Community Based Service Waiver, HCBS (Section1915C) and the number of pediatricians per 10,000 children; Autism prevalence variable, i.e., Autism among children in special education per 10,000 children; and state economic variables, i.e., spending per pupil for children with Autism in special education, children in poverty, and state financial health) influence the likelihood of a state applying for the ADDM network. Furthermore, the purpose of this study is to consider the potential impact of these various state characteristics in order to understand what state factors might contribute to such differences. The results reveal that structural administrative and economic factors influence a state’s decision to apply for the ADDM network. Furthermore, political factors (e.g., Democratic party control of governorship and legislature) did not influence a state’s decision to apply for the ADDM network. However, when controlling for Republican political party identification, the structural administrative, economic, and political (Republican-controlled legislature) state characteristics influence whether a state applying for the ADDM network. The results indicate that political party control does not play a significant role in determining whether a state will apply for the ADDM network. In expanding the research, to include another structural administrative factor (prior application), political party control (i.e., Republican-controlled legislature) was no longer significant. Thus, the bureaucratic environment is not influencing the actions of state administrators. Instead the individual characteristics of the state is influencing whether a state will apply for the ADDM network. Understanding the differences between the states in the implementation of the ADDM network provides a comprehensive model for establishing the ADDM network or similar programs in other states.