The diploma thesis is focused on the participation of developing countries in multilateral trade system. It analyzes the developing countries' view of world trade system, how this system reflected their special needs and interests and how their positions changed in multilateral trade negotiations under GATT/WTO.

This work talks about multilateral negotiation in EU. Clearly describe each institution of EU, it history, function and structure. Then it brings some information about legislation process, how it works and who is involved. After that is described the function and meaning of presidency in EU. At the end it talks about presidency of Czech republic from January 2009 and give some advices to the government.

This diploma thesis deals with global environmental agreements and their effectiveness. Its aim is to disclose the causes of success of some agreements and, on the contrary, the motives of failure of other agreements. In the theoretical part, the specialities of the environmental problems are illustrated, followed by the introduction to the international environmental law and agreements. In the practical part, two well-known international agreements concerned with atmosphere are compared. They deal with similar problem, but they achieved very different results. The objective of step-by-step comparison of diverse aspects of both agreements is to discover what factors caused the great success of the Montreal Protocol in protecting the ozone layer and why the similarly conceived Kyoto Protocol failed in the combat against climate change. Last chapter concludes this comparison and defines key characteristics which are essential for the effectiveness of the global environmental agreements.

Tesis (magíster en derecho tributario) / Actividad formativa equivalente a Tesis (AFET)

As the world's largest energy consumer and producer, China is the leading player of the international energy arena. Among other important achievements, China has become the world's largest wind power market as well as largest producer of hydroelectricity and solar photovoltaic (PV) capacity. In recent years China has been at the centre of almost every work stream within the International Energy Agency (IEA), and many other international energy organizations. This thesis aims to understand what role China can and will play in global energy governance by examining how its domestic energy context shapes the country's attitudes toward the multilateral, market and climate change aspects of global energy governance. China's recent re-emergence has resulted in a significant increase in the global demand of commodities and is already having major impacts on the dynamics of global commodity markets. In the case of the global uranium market, we are at the very beginning of a new era in the global energy system. However, we can already observe interesting trends. My research question will be," How China's search for supplies changes and influences its role in the global energy governance? "

Russia as a rising power in multilateral institutions looks at the Russian attitude towards all institutions this country participated in 2001-2015. I address the questions of what is the attitude of Moscow and what determines the country's choice of attitude patterns. Drawing from the works of those specializing in rising powers and Russian foreign policy, I seek answers to my research questions and contribute to both strings of literature. The parsimonious hypothesis suggests that Russia's attitude depends on its position within the institution. In cases when Moscow holds a strong position in an institution, the country develops a supportive attitude; Russia's weak position within an institution translates into a challenger attitude. I endorse the existing studies by arguing and further supporting with data that Russia tends to be a revisionist in West-led hard-issue institutions it joined after the end of the Cold War. The data points at the supportive attitude pattern also in situations when Russia holds a strong position in institutions it co-founded as a rising power status in the last two decades. The primary data source for the dissertation is the recently released online archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation. Analyzed with the sentiment analysis software, the...

John A. Warden's airpower theory, The Enemy as a System, has had a major influence on the strategic discourse ever since the foundation of this normative framework was presented in The Air Campaign in 1988. Warden’s theoretical impact was reinforced by the American successes during the Gulf War, but since then, little research has tested the theory outside the context of conventional wars of aggression. This study analyzes The Enemy as System against a peace enforcing context, characterized by multilateral cooperation. It also identifies intermediate variables that help explain why the theory is strengthened or weakened in relation to this particular context. Through qualitative methods, Operation Allied Force and Operation Unified Protector are analyzed against operational indicators within the central concepts of the five-ring model and parallel attacks. The results of the study show that NATO did not use airpower in accordance with Warden's normative theory in either of the examined operations. The absence of operational indicators could hypothetically explain why NATO failed to produce strategic effects within the operational time limits, although this remains a speculative conclusion. The result instead suggests a number of intermediate variables, such as political disagreement and strategic dissonance, which combined reduced the possibility of using airpower in accordance with Warden's theory. In addition, the fear of civilian casualties and the risk of exacerbating the post-war humanitarian situation, further reduced the possibility of attacking targets within certain subsystems of the five-ring model. The conclusion is therefore that Warden’s theoretical applicability, and thus universal validity, is weakened within the examined context.

After seven decades of regional domination, the sudden collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 put the whole continent in a state of political and economic uncertainty. The sudden absence of a strong, yet generally predictable hegemon initiated an intense debate centered on whether or not the rise of China posed a grave threat to the region or whether it would bring stability and cohesion to the region. After 23 years of observation, it is now safe to presume that China does not pose a military threat to the region. Simply because China does not have expansionist or aggressive political or economic aims does not mean that there should be no cause for concern. China does possess persistent political, economic, and security concerns that, despite the nation's best efforts, has not been able to solve. Domestically, examples of these concerns are illegal smuggling, weapons and human trafficking, illegal narcotics, organized crime, Islamic fundamentalism, ethnic nationalism, and Islamic militancy. Internationally, China has had a hard time, not only dealing with the aforementioned list, but also with piracy, ethnic unrest, anti-Chinese sentiment, corruption, and illegal port activities. The reason the solution to these problems remains elusive is the fact that they all share a common element. The element is that they are all transnational in nature; the events themselves, not fully encapsulated within the borders of just one nation-state. This makes them extremely difficult for a single nation-state to be able to effectively deal with them. It happens that Central Asian nations and littoral nations of Malaysia, Indonesia, and Singapore are also afflicted with many of the same issues. This fact is why it will take a comprehensive and coordinated effort in order to effectively deal with the underlying causes which contribute to these problems before any noticeable effect will take place. These efforts, or transnational solutions, are the most effective way to deal with transnational concerns. Research, observations, and the case studies demonstrate that many of the most pressing transnational concerns have similar underlying factors. Income inequality, government repression, and lack of economic opportunity are a few of the most prevalent factors. The obstacles these factors cause are not insurmountable. However each one of these problems require a concentrated and coordinated effort and the cooperation of multiple nation-states. International Organizations, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, are effective mediums in which to accomplish this. What is repeatedly observed is that transnational problems are best solved using transnational solutions.

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The communication of naturally complex issues like climate change, tipping points, socio-ecological systems, and their interaction with the hydrological cycle and water security is equally important as it is challenging. Beyond the complexity, the long-term and often delayed characteristics furthermore do not match with either political election cycles or quarterly business reports. Academic institutions are at the forefront to assess, reveal and understand such complex systems, but certainly more engagement is needed to effectively transfer the most urgent derivations in practice and policy on the one hand, but also invest into a continuing effort in creating a general understanding and susceptibility to crucial stakeholders of those characteristics on the other. Transformative interaction, and hence closing the gap between knowledge generation and best practice application needs to be eased down to an implementable level, but without any oversimplification. A prerequisite for such an approach in successful multilateral cooperation would be a common baseline – a mutual Water Culture among all stakeholders when addressing water security with meaningful climate adaptation measures.:Background Climate Change Water Security Chances in Multilateral Cooperation Session Summary Urban water security – assessment framework and application Contributions of higher education to climate adaptation and water security Call for transfer measures Commitments Speakers/Panel