Nöjeslivet är ett viktigt område när det gäller att göra en stad attraktiv för dess invånare och besökare. Efter en besöksundersökning av centrumföreningen Centrala Stadsrum visade det sig att det finns invånare och besökare som inte är helt nöjda med dagens nöjesliv i Falun. Utifrån detta och en nyfikenhet från vår sida valde vi att göra en kartläggning av Faluns nöjesliv och undersöka nöjesverksamheternas profilering. Utifrån vår definition av nöje, ”en upplevelse där en individ gör ett tidsfördriv utan praktiskt syfte och då känner tillfredsställelse, vällust och/eller glädje”, genomfördes en teoretisk litteraturstudie av Faluns historia, attraktiva städer och våra utvalda nöjeslivsområden: mat & fika, bar & klubb, handel, kultur, sport och evenemang. Slutligen gjordes en enkätundersökning av nöjesverksamheterna som ligger i Faluns stadskärna, denna ligger till grund för kartläggningen och undersökningen av nöjesverksamheternas profilering. Resultaten av vår enkätundersökning visar att många av de tillfrågade respondenterna varken marknadsför sin nöjesverksamhet och inte heller har någon tydlig marknadsprofilering.

This dissertation is a historical study of film exhibition in the context of emerging popular entertainment in Örebro, a medium-sized town in Sweden, 1897 to 1908. It argues that since 80% of the population resided in towns and rural areas around 1900, studying the impact of film culture in a town setting is essential for an understanding of early film culture in Sweden. The local press is used as primary source of marketing schemes, venues and programming policies as well as of cultural debate and conflict. Across Europe, theatres and fairgrounds were the preferred venues of traveling exhibitors of film shows. In Örebro, however, film exhibition preferably took place in the ‘respectable’ halls of voluntary organizations. Of special importance to local film culture were two working class societies: the liberal Arbetareföreningen (AF) and the labor-based Arbetarekommun (AK) ― albeit in different ways. AF, which embraced reformist ideals, owned the most popular venue for film exhibition and transformed their hall into a movie theater in 1907. AK encouraged the working class population to spend leisure time (and money) on popular forms of cheap entertainment by opening an amusement park in town and by frequently organizing bazaars, funfairs and variety shows. Socio-cultural conflict was concentrated to the fairground around the turn of the century and later turned to AK’s bazaars and funfairs. The emerging film culture influenced opinion in the big cities of Sweden, yet in Örebro it only received sporadic public attention. In stark contrast to the situation in the big cities, the transformation of itinerant film exhibition to permanent forms was a gradual and relatively inconspicuous process in Örebro that took place in the shadow of AK’s more obtrusive culture of cheap amusements. Three movie theatres opened in 1907 and were accepted by the town’s public with relative ease.

Åsa Jernudd: Movies and Entertainment in Örebro 1897-1908 This dissertation is a historical study of film exhibition in the context of emerging popular entertainment in Örebro, a medium-sized town in Sweden, 1897 to 1908. It argues that since 80% of the population resided in towns and rural areas around 1900, studying the impact of film culture in a town setting is essential for an understanding of early film culture in Sweden. The local press is used as primary source of marketing schemes, venues and programming policies as well as of cultural debate and conflict. Across Europe, theatres and fairgrounds were the preferred venues of traveling exhibitors of film shows. In Örebro, however, film exhibition preferably took place in the ‘respectable’ halls of voluntary organizations. Of special importance to local film culture were two working class societies: the liberal Arbetareföreningen (AF) and the labor-based Arbetarekommun (AK) ― albeit in different ways. AF, which embraced reformist ideals, owned the most popular venue for film exhibition and transformed their hall into a movie theater in 1907. AK encouraged the working class population to spend leisure time (and money) on popular forms of cheap entertainment by opening an amusement park in town and by frequently organizing bazaars, funfairs and variety shows. Socio-cultural conflict was concentrated to the fairground around the turn of the century and later turned to AK’s bazaars and funfairs. The emerging film culture influenced opinion in the big cities of Sweden, yet in Örebro it only received sporadic public attention. In stark contrast to the situation in the big cities, the transformation of itinerant film exhibition to permanent forms was a gradual and relatively inconspicuous process in Örebro that took place in the shadow of AK’s more obtrusive culture of cheap amusements. Three movie theatres opened in 1907 and were accepted by the town’s public with relative ease. / <p>Also affiliated to Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Cinema studies. Diss. Stockholm : Stockholm University, 2007</p>

<p>The purpose of this paper is to examine how the arrival of class society is expressed in the social dance of high society during the second half of the eighteenth century. The study is based on the idea that culture and society develope in interaction; that changes in the economic, political and social life determine the cultural expressions as well. What I wish to examine is whether cultural themes from the developing bourgeois culture – individualism, to be precise – is expressed in the social dance during the second half of the eigthteenth century. // The study shows that public balls definitely gave people a chance to show off on the dance floor in spite of social rank. The assemblies were open to everyone, and there were no formal distinction between the estates. The equality was enforced furthermore in the bal masques. // In spite of this formal equality, there are also signs of public assemblies not being quite the arenas for individual triumph beyond the boundaries of estate that they could be. Comments about dance and individuals are for example way more common in connection to private gatherings than public. When writing about public balls focus is primarily on the attender’s social rang, and more seldom on the dance at all. It’s clear that the mixing of estates was a source of agitation, and also that it was hard for peasants and merchants to compete with the nobility on their home ground. In theory the dance culture was boundary-crossing, but in reality the rift between the estates was still wide.</p>

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the arrival of class society is expressed in the social dance of high society during the second half of the eighteenth century. The study is based on the idea that culture and society develope in interaction; that changes in the economic, political and social life determine the cultural expressions as well. What I wish to examine is whether cultural themes from the developing bourgeois culture – individualism, to be precise – is expressed in the social dance during the second half of the eigthteenth century. // The study shows that public balls definitely gave people a chance to show off on the dance floor in spite of social rank. The assemblies were open to everyone, and there were no formal distinction between the estates. The equality was enforced furthermore in the bal masques. // In spite of this formal equality, there are also signs of public assemblies not being quite the arenas for individual triumph beyond the boundaries of estate that they could be. Comments about dance and individuals are for example way more common in connection to private gatherings than public. When writing about public balls focus is primarily on the attender’s social rang, and more seldom on the dance at all. It’s clear that the mixing of estates was a source of agitation, and also that it was hard for peasants and merchants to compete with the nobility on their home ground. In theory the dance culture was boundary-crossing, but in reality the rift between the estates was still wide.