This dissertation describes the actions of a group of quilombola leaders in the state of Sergipe, in brazilian northeast. Through ethnographic inserts in the events and situations as well as in the spaces of monthly meetings to organize the "State Coordination of Quilombola Movement" is observed to (pre)existence and (re)formation of a network of actors, agencies and "things" around the public policy toward the called quilombolas in the state. The view of the network through the events allows us to notice a ensemble of interests, obligations and practices that explain discrepancies of power. The research show that the integration of quilombola people in the disp ute spaces for social rights, it boosts the difficult task of "organizing themselves politically" where the quilombola identity acts as reorganizing element in the space where they circulate. As it happens, the chain of complex relationships which they are made to act since the identity assumption – with ONGS, government agencies, political parties, documents, part of the Catholic Church, social movements, symbols, resources, etc. - Is modified according as relationship with each actor-network or which it represents, is now (re)discussed and estranged in the Quilombolas groups that have been investigated. The background of work indicate that the competency of social rights in public policy format to the quilombola people in the state of Sergipe not find its effectiveness in an ethnic legitimacy, but through an organization "Among themselves" and parallel linkage with the national quilombola network are urged to negotiate. / Esta dissertação descreve as (medi) ações mobilizatórias de um grupo de lideranças quilombolas no/do estado de Sergipe. Através de inserções etnográficas nos eventos e situações bem como nos espaços de reuniões mensais (RMs) para a organização da "Coordenação Estadual do Movimento Quilombola" observa-se a (pré) existência e (re) formação de uma rede de atores, agências e “coisas” em torno da política pública voltada para os chamados quilombolas no estado de Sergipe. A visualização da rede através dos eventos permitiu notar um conjunto de interesses, obrigações e práticas que elucidam discrepâncias de poder. A pesquisa pôde demonstrar que a inserção dos chamados quilombolas nos lugares de disputa por direitos sociais, os impulsiona à difícil tarefa de “organizarem-se politicamente” onde a identidade quilombola atua como elemento reorganizador do espaço de atuação política no qual circulam. À medida que isso ocorre, a cadeia de relações complexas na qual são levados a atuar desde o início da assunção identitária – com ONGs, órgãos públicos, partidos, documentos, setores da igreja católica, movimentos sociais, símbolos, recursos, etc. – modifica-se, na medida em que a relação com cada ator-rede ou com o que este representa, é, agora, (re) discutida e estranhada dentro do grupo de lideranças quilombolas investigado. O pano de fundo do trabalho argumenta que o alcance dos direitos sociais no formato da política pública para os chamados quilombolas no estado de Sergipe não encontra em uma legitimidade étnica sua efetivação, o que motiva os atores a uma organização “entre eles” e paralela articulação com a rede quilombola que são impelidos a negociar.

A bibliografia comumente apresenta a Revolução Liberal de 1842, em São Paulo e Minas Gerais, ora como dois eventos similares, mas não exatamente articulados, ora como uma rebelião única, mas sem objetivos claros e condições reais de sucesso. Em ambos os casos o movimento é encarado como pontual e fruto da ambição por poder de um grupo social abastado. No entanto, a reconstituição da trama política e militar nas províncias de São Paulo e Minas Gerais, nesse período, oferece entendimentos diversos e subsídios para pensar a prática política e a formação do Estado Nacional no Brasil da primeira metade do século XIX. Conflitos de interesse, perspectivas locais em busca de espaço político além dos limites provinciais, envolvimento significativo de cidadãos, embate entre projetos políticos são alguns dos elementos presentes no movimento armado de 1842. Tendo como ponto central o longo desenrolar da guerra entre o acirramento dos ânimos e a anistia dos rebeldes , este trabalho procura dar nova reconfiguração às relações de força e interesses existentes nos anos finais da Regência e iniciais do Segundo Reinado, particularmente entre 1838 e 1844. Por fim, pretende-se problematizar a emergência e as implicações dos confrontos armados, em especial no tocante às articulações das províncias com o governo central, explicitando-se os grupos em conflito e seus projetos, bem como aprofundar a reflexão a respeito da política imperial nessa época. / The literature commonly presents the Liberal Revolution of 1842 in São Paulo and Minas Gerais, either as two similar events though not exactly articulated or as a single rebellion, but without clear goals and actual conditions of success. In both situations, the movement is seen as timely and fruit of greed for power from a wealthy social group. However, the reconstitution of political and military plot in the provinces of São Paulo and Minas Gerais of that period, offers different understandings and subsidies to think over the political practice and the formation of the Nation-State in Brazil during the first half of the nineteenth century. Conflicts of interest, local perspectives in search of political space beyond the provincial boundaries, meaningful involvement of citizens and the clash of political projects are some of the elements in the armed movement of 1842. With a focus over the course of the war - between the sharpening of minds and amnesty for rebels - this paper aims to give new reconfiguration to the relation between power and interests in the final years of the Regency and the early Second Empire, particularly between 1838 and 1844. Finally, we intend to discuss the emergence and implications of armed clashes, especially in relation to the joining of the provinces with the central government, explaining the conflicting groups and their projects, and deepen the discussion about the imperial policy at that time.

A literatura brasileira tem sido isolada dos estudos literários (acadêmicos, críticos e historiográficos) que tentam dar conta da chamada Literatura latinoamericana. Com um enfoque comparatista da produção historiográfica literária da Argentina e do Brasil românticos, esta pesquisa tem por objeto colocar em relação direta os processos discursivos que as elites letradas de cada país elaboraram no momento de criar (inventar) as nações emergentes. Desta forma se busca ressaltar as semelhanças dos processos sem extenuar nem forçar as comparações. O projeto contempla, também, a possibilidade de colocar em evidência alguns aspectos problemáticos das chamadas literaturas nacionais na atualidade. Para isso, analisar-se-á um corpus de textos de historiografia literária de ambos os países no contexto da produção historiográfica latinoamericana no século XIX, em particular, e ocidental, em geral. As ideias de romantismo, nacionalismo e historiografia literária e liberal do século XIX conformam o pano de fundo no qual se inscreve o projeto. / Brazilian literatura has been taken aside from literary studies (as academical, critical and historiographical) that try to comprise the so-called Latin American Literature. Based on a comparison between Argentinean and Brazilian historiographical literary production of romantic writers, this research had as object to make a direct relation between the discursive processe elaborated by the literate elites of each country while creating (inventing) emerging Nations-Satates. Therefore, we intend to emphasize the similarities of the processes without exhaust or forcing comparisons. The project considers also the possibility of highlighting some problematic aspects of the so-called current national literatures. In this regard, a corpus of written literary historiography of both countries will be analyzed in the historiographical production context of Latin America, particulary, and Occident, in general, during the 19th century. Ideas of romanticism, nationalism, and literary and liberal historiography configure the backdrop in wich the project is inscribed.

My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development.

Comment transformer la structure des relations internationales ? La structure des relations internationales se définit par l’absence de détenteur de la force légitime condamnant les nations à vivre dans un état semi-anarchique composé par le cycle de la guerre et de la paix.Pour résoudre ce problème, problème de la guerre et de la paix parmi les nations, nous convoquerons le modèle de la cosmopolitique, ancêtre de la sécurité collective, union des États et idéal d’une paix perpétuelle légitime et légale. En raison des failles de la cosmopolitique kantienne, et après une étude des grandes théories du cosmopolitisme contemporain – soit la démocratie cosmopolitique, le cosmopolitisme libéral et le cosmopolitisme républicain – nous tâcherons de défendre un projet d’union fédérale cosmopolitique formée par une Assemblée mondiale et une Cour de justice afin d’étendre la légalité, la publicité et la civilité – les trois principes de l’espace public – aux relations internationales. Comment faire émerger, dans le respect de la pluralité des nations, de la liberté des peuples, un espace public mondial grâce à une union cosmopolitique afin de matérialiser l’idéal de la paix perpétuelle ?Mots clés : cosmopolitisme, cosmopolitique, nationalisme, nation, État, État-nation, souveraineté, citoyenneté, espace public, légalité, publicité, civilité, mondialisation, modèle westphalien, sécurité collective, ONU, justice globale, société civile, fédéralisme, guerre et paix / How can the structure of international relations be transformed? The structure of international relations is defined by the absence of legitimate force and centralized executive power, which constrains nations to live in a semi-anarchical state characterized by a cycle of war and peace.To confront this problem – the problem of war and peace among nations – we will resort to the cosmopolitical model, the forerunner of collective security. Cosmopolitical is a union of States, the purpose of which is a legitimate and legal perpetual peace. Because of a number of flaws in kantian cosmopolitanism, and after a review of the main, contemporary theories in cosmopolitanism – cosmopolitan democracy, liberal cosmopolitanism and republican cosmopolitanism – we will defend a project of a federal, cosmopolitan union based on a worldwide Assembly and a Court of justice. Our goal is to adapt legality, publicity and civility – the three main principles of a public space – to international relations.How can we create – thanks to a cosmopolitan union – a worldwide public space, respectful of the liberty and plurality of people and nations, in order to make the project of perpetual peace happen?Key words : cosmopolitanism, cosmopolitical, nationalism, nation, state, nation-state, sovereignity, citizenship, public space, publicity, civility, globalization, westphalian model, collective security, United-Nations, global justice, federalism, war, peace

The challenge of the just war theory in the post-modern era is compounded by technologic advances in warfare and the friction among state actors in a decentralized state system. The inquiry of this investigation on just war is the extent of its validity in an era that extols the sciences and human reason on the one hand and economic necessity on the other as the standard by which state actors regulate their political objectives. The thesis Just war; unjust consequences examines the longevity of the just war tradition, its moral necessity throughout history and its indispensable application in the nuclear age. Chapter 2 examines the moral foundations of the ‘two kingdoms’, which formulates the background of the just war theory, from the biblical account of the great controversy between good and evil to the formation of modern church/state relations. Within the ancient and contemporary setting, ecclesiastical and theological traditions have provided a public platform to establish moral parameters in regards to state actor intent and post-modern application, such as the U.S.-Iraq war. Chapter 3 investigates Augustine’s enduring contribution to the moral and historical formation and longevity of the just war theory. From its earliest development to its modern antecedent the just war theory has been an integral aspect of the philosophical and theological analysis distinguishing ‘why’ and ‘how’ wars are fought and the import of moral parameters to manage international conflict. Chapter 4 examines Reinhold Niebuhr’s contribution to the realist tradition and U.S. foreign policy in the 20th and 21st centuries. This section examines the impact of the modern state actor’s intent for war. The primary issue is that the classical formulation that identifies human nature as the catalyst of social disorder and war is superseded by the scientific method, which adheres to the viewpoint that war is complicated by numerous economic and political factors. Hans Morgenthau’s realist tradition of international relations theory, which advocates that humankind is the centric disruptive force by its abuse of power at all levels of human interaction especially among nations was eventually eclipsed by Kenneth Waltz’s neorealist school of thought, which shifted the culpability of war from the egocentricities of human nature to the disproportions of economic and military power among competing state actors in a decentralized state system. This shift in international relations theory within the framework of weapons of mass destruction contested the validity of the just war tradition in the nuclear age. Chapter 5 reasserts the Christian realist tradition’s viewpoint that the perpetrator for war is the individual actor within collective competitive self-interest, epitomized by the state actor. The classical model is reinstated as a plausible cause for war. It is within this framework that a contemporary adaptation of the just war moral theory is provided to contest the contemporary complexities of warfare in the 21st century. Chapter 6 investigates the practical challenges of modern warfare. The background of Operation Iraqi Freedom reveals the complications of state actor competition in international politics, and the necessity of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression. Finally, Chapter 7 reiterates, the prolonged necessity of the just war tradition in both the ancient and modern eras and, the import of moral parameters to thwart unwarranted state actor aggression and provides a reformulation of the just war moral theory to challenge the viewpoint that deems the utility of weapons of mass destruction as viable national security alternative and its tactical application in warfare. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2014 / gm2015 / Practical Theology / PhD / Unrestricted

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In Bezug auf irreguläre Migrationsformen, die sich den bestehenden rechtlichen Einreise- und Aufenthaltsregelungen entziehen, wird nur selten hinterfragt, inwieweit diese durch Attribution von Aufenthaltsmerkmalen konstruiert werden. Entscheidend hierfür ist die national(staatlich)e Zugehörigkeit. Die vorliegende Arbeit fokussiert die Wechselwirkungen von Illegalität und Illegalisierung. Um die Konstruktionsmechanismen besser aufzudecken, wurde ein Ländervergleich zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich gewählt. So wurden Zeitungsartikel aus jeweils zwei deutschen und französischen Zeitungen inhaltsanalytisch untersucht. Zwei zentrale Fragestellungen standen im Vordergrund. Zum einen wurde untersucht, in welchem Kontext Illegalität und Illegalisierung thematisiert werden und in welcher Gewichtung sie auftreten. Des Weiteren wurde betrachtet, welche Argumentationen im Umgang mit den Betroffenen im öffentlichen Diskurs dargestellt werden. Dabei wurde festgestellt, dass stärker als angenommen Illegalisierungselemente in den Medien dargestellt werden, allerdings kaum als solche benannt werden. Illegalität und Illegalisierung werden darüber hinaus kaum in einen Zusammenhang gestellt. Argumente werden selten detailliert dargestellt, wobei in der Regel eine Rückbindung an allgemeine Zuwanderungsdiskurse zu beobachten ist. Ein diskursiver Exkurs deckt wesentliche Unterschiede zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich auf. Die Arbeit versucht, das Bild von Migranten ohne regulären Aufenthaltsstatus zu differenzieren und Fragen im Umgang mit Fremdheitserfahrungen zu erörtern.

The frame for this critical interpretation of the Kiswahili popular love song “Pili Mswahili” by Moreno Batamba et L’Orchestre Moja One (1981) is the discussion on African contributions to the making of modern Africa. The argument is that “Pili Mswahili” is an instance of the mwananchi’s, common person’s, agentive contribution to the establishment of Kiswahili as a national language in Kenya. The song is read as an urging of non-Swahili Kenyans to accept Kiswahili – which, in spite of its being an important lingua franca in Kenya, was, after all, the language of one ethnic group in a multi-ethnic state where “tribalism” is a major political factor – as their national language. It is shown that “Pili Mswahili” complemented the efforts of the makers and executors of government policy that had nation formation as the ultimate objective. Nation formation is understood to be a key strategy in the African appropriation of the African nation-state that started life as a colonial invention.

This dissertation argues that Gyekye, in his idea of communitarianism, has a contribution to make towards the understanding of the socio-political structures of multicultural communities in Africa. Gyekye's construct of metanationality, in relation to his communitarian ethics, addresses the socio-political and cultural problems confronting multicultural communities, with particular reference to Nigeria. In an attempt to achieve his idea of a "metanational state", Gyekye claims that: (1) "personhood" is partially defined by a communal structure; (2) equal moral attention should be given both to individual interests and community interests; (3) it is necessary to integrate the "ethic of responsibility" with "rights"; (4) members of the nation-state should be considered equal; (5) in order to achieve nationhood in a multicultural community, it is essential to move beyond "ethnicity" and (6) in an attempt to form a national culture, attention should be drawn to "the elegant" aspects of cultures of various ethno-cultural communities. / Philosophy / M.A. (Philosophy)