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ABSTRACT From the moment a person enters a state, whether by birth or migration, the individual-state interaction is often mediated by some form of (supposedly) official state-issued document. This is particularly the case in cross-border migration. Documentation is often viewed as an instrument of the state, with passports containing declarations within them stipulating to them being “the property” of the government issuing them. Yet, documentation is borne by individuals whose use of it in the context of migration indicates incongruence between their view of documentation and that of the state. This research examines migrants‟ perceptions of documentation, what informs those views, and the ways in which those perceptions inform migrants‟ views of and interaction with the nation-state, citizenship, identity and state control. It explores contestation over the ownership of and rights over documents. In an effort to explore the levels of connection and disconnection, the study contrasts migrants‟ perceptions against those of the state. It moves away from the functionalist, policy-directed approach to the study of documentation that often characterises migration literature. It is informed by post-positivist, relativist commitments to examining the perspectives of individuals while adopting the constructivist recognition that meaning is created, as informed by history, context and experience. Focusing on Zimbabwean migrants resident in Johannesburg, this study draws on information gathered through in-depth interviews and group discussions, examined through discourse analysis and thematic content analysis.

The desire to form a European model of the nation-state in African countries was a fashion ofpost-colonization experience. Those who have tried to carve out such analogous states forthemselves always missed the fact that the socio-political history of Europe is irrelevant toAfrica. Some modern African states entered this attempt soon after de-colonization whileEthiopia is a different case. It has never been colonized and its experience with this model wasnot related to de-colonization but the domination of one of its own ethnic identities at theexpense of assimilation of the others. In the first half of the 19th century, Ethiopia wasintroduced to the outer world as a ‘nation-state’, but ended up as a multi-ethnic federal statetoday. This study examines the attempt made to form an Amharanized ‘nation-state’ and howthat gave birth to serious contending nationalism within a single state. The findings of this thesisaimed to contribute to the field of IMER and may inspire further research on the subject.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Mesmo sendo uma condição indispensável para que ocorra o desenvolvimento humano, o crescimento econômico nem sempre é convertido eficientemente em qualidade de vida pelos Estados-nação. Deste modo, o presente trabalho teve o objetivo de mensurar a eficiência social dos países, que expressa à capacidade de um Estado-nação converter sua riqueza produzida em qualidade de vida, e de determinar fatores que possam explicá-la. Como hipóteses de pesquisa para esses fatores, foram considerados: (i) a atuação do Estado, do Mercado e da Sociedade Civil; (ii) o estoque de capital físico, natural, humano, cultural, social e institucional; (iii) a presença de liberdades política, econômica e de expressão; (iv) o efeito do próprio desenvolvimento humano; e (v) outras características socioeconômicas dos países. Para que esse objetivo fosse alcançado, foram utilizadas as técnicas: (a) Análise Envoltória de Dados (DEA), em sua forma padrão, cruzada, invertida e tripla; (b) regressão linear simples; (c) clusterização por eficiência; (d) método k-means; e (e) testes estatísticos de diferença entre médias. Os principais resultados obtidos indicaram que as ex-repúblicas soviéticas e os países de passado socialista foram os que mais se destacaram na eficiência social; já os países desenvolvidos, apesar de apresentarem elevados indicadores sociais, sendo altamente eficazes, não se destacaram na eficiência; os países do sul da África, por sua vez, além de possuírem a pior condição social, foram também os mais ineficientes. Quanto aos fatores explicativos da eficiência social, concluiu-se que possuem impacto positivo: (1) a taxa básica de juros; (2) a taxa bruta de investimentos; (3) a taxa de estradas pavimentadas; (4) a taxa de alfabetização; (5) o número de médicos per capita; (6) a liberdade fiscal; (7) além de quase todos os outputs sociais utilizados na análise de eficiência, com exceção da inflação. Por outro lado, os fatores que se relacionam negativamente com a eficiência são: (a) o saldo da balança corrente; (b) a quantidade de reservas de petróleo; (c) o PIB per capita; (d) o nível de caridade; (e) a ausência de corrupção; (f) a liberdade de investimento e financeira; (g) a liberdade política e de expressão; (h) a taxa de fecundidade na adolescência; (i) a taxa de infectados com HIV; e (j) o nível de emissões de \'CO IND.2\'. Apesar de alguns resultados encontrados terem sido bastante polêmicos, afastando-se tanto do senso comum quanto de teorias estabelecidas, acredita-se que o presente trabalho contribuiu para lançar luz sobre um novo e fértil campo de pesquisa, denominado eficiência social. / Despite being a prerequisite for occurring development, economic growth is not always fully converted into welfare or quality of life, since countries have different levels of efficiency in carrying out this conversion. Thus, this study aimed to determine the efficiency of Nation-states to convert their wealth produced in quality of life (social efficiency) and, subsequently, to investigate the impact in this efficiency of the factors: (i) performance of the State, Market and Civil Society; (ii) stock of physical , natural, human, cultural, social and institutional capital; (iii) political , economic and expression freedoms; (iv) human development itself; and (v) other socioeconomic characteristics of the countries. To accomplish this goal, we have used: (a) Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) in its standard, cross, reversed and triple form; (b) simple linear regression; (c) clustering for efficiency; (d) k-means method; and (e) statistical tests of differences between means. The main results indicate that the ex-Soviet republics and the countries of the socialist past were most outstanding in social efficiency; whereas the developed countries, although having high social indicators, i.e., high efficacy, not were excelled in efficiency; the countries of southern Africa, in turn, have the worst social condition, and were also the most inefficient. As for the explanatory factors of social efficiency, it was concluded that had positive impact the variables: (1) prime rate; (2) gross rate of investment; (3) rate of paved roads; (4) literacy rate; (5) number of doctors per capita; (6) fiscal freedom; (7) and the most social indicators that were used in the analysis of efficiency, with the exception of inflation. On the other hand, the factors that are negatively related to efficiency are: (a) current account balance; (b) amount of oil reserves; (c) GDP per capita; (d) level of charity; (e) corruption absence; (f) freedom of investment and financing; (g) political freedom and expression; (h) adolescent fertility rate; (i) the rate of HIV-infected; and (j) level of \'CO IND.2\' emissions. Although some results have been quite controversial, away from both common sense and established theories, it is believed that this work has helped to shed light on a new and fertile field of research called social efficiency.

Cette thèse porte sur la crise ivoirienne dans ce qu’elle décline de pluralité étiologique, de complexité dimensionnelle mais également d’intérêt épistémologique et heuristique en raison des pistes analytiques qu’elle ouvre et permet. Elle enracine la crise dans le « sol des fondations » développementalistes et du diffusionnisme des modèles étatiques à l’épreuve de la donne endogène. L’Houphouëtisme, conception pragmatiste du pouvoir, structure en grande partie la trajectoire ivoirienne postcoloniale marquée par le double cycle de la stabilité et de l’implosion crisogène. La crise structurelle de l’État-nation ivoirien a un complexe étiologique pluriel (économique, social, foncier, migratoire, politique, biopolitique). La faillite du modèle agro-exportateur a servi de terreau fertile à la triple crise socio- économique, politique et militaire. La phénoménologie belligène puise, en réalité, dans des causes lointaines et structurelles. Manipulant l’autochtonie et la différence ethnique à des fins politiciennes, les entrepreneurs politiques ivoiriens semblent avoir choisi le pouvoir au détriment de la nation. L’ivoirité, en tant qu’idéologie d’exclusion, est, en réalité, un outil biopolitique au service de la préservation tant du pouvoir que de l’hégémonie politique. Elle symbolise autant la déhouphouëtisation que la rupture du consensus social. Autant l’ethnie n’est pas, selon nous, une momie autant l’ivoirité ne constitue point ici un disque dur étiologique. Plus profondes et structurelles, les causes de la crise ivoirienne s’enracinent tant dans la généalogie que dans la trajectoire de l’État-nation à la construction inachevée. Renversant le paradigme marxiste, nous donnons ici le primat au politique sur l’économique dans une réalité ivoirienne marquée par la double faiblesse du secteur privé et de la société civile, conférant à la sphère étatique et son immense manne une importance néopatrimoniale. La rébellion et le recours aux armes comme moyens concurrentiels dans la conquête du pouvoir et la partition consacrent la fracture de l’État-nation, aggravée par la crise post électorale de 2010/2011. La prégnance des enjeux politiques n’empêche point de recourir à l’interparadigmité ainsi qu’à la bénéfique connexion des sciences pour un éclairage politologique, et au-delà, une exploration de ce champ épistémique que constitue la Côte d’Ivoire « dans » et « avec » le Monde. / This thesis focuses on the Ivorian crisis in what it holds in terms of etiological dimensional complexity but also of epistemological and heuristic interest because of the analytical ideas it opens and allows. It roots the crisis in the "rockbottom" of developmentalist theories and the diffusionism of state models resistant to endogenous data. Houphouëtism, a pragmatist conception of power, structures most of the Ivorian postcolonial trajectory marked by the dual cycle of stability and crisogenic implosion. A structural crisis of the Ivorian nation-state with a manifold etiologic complex (economic, social, land use, migration, politics, biopolitics). The failure of an agricultural export model fed the threefold crisis: socio-economic, political and military. The phenomenology generating war goes back, in fact, to structural and remote causes. Manipulating indigenism (autochthonous) and ethnic differences for political ends, Ivorian political “entrepreneurs” seem to have opted for power at the expense of the nation. Ivoreanity, as an ideology of exclusion, is in reality a biopolitical tool at the service of retaining power as well as political dominance. It symbolizes the dehouphouëtization as well as the break up of social consensus. Neither is ethnicity, in our opinion, a mummy, nor is Ivoreanity here an etiological hard drive. Deeper and more structural, the causes of the Ivorian crisis are rooted as much in the genealogy as in the trajectory of the nation-state whose construction is still unfinished. Reversing the Marxist paradigm, here we give primacy to the political over the economic in an Ivorian reality marked by a double weakness of private sector and civil society, giving the state sphere and its immense manna a neo-patrimonial importance. Rebellion and the use of weapons as a means to compete in the conquest of power and partition emphasize the collapse of the nation-state, aggravated by post-election crisis of 2010/2011. The salience of political issues does not prevent resorting to interparadigmity and the beneficial connection of science to political science insights, and Beyond, an exploration of this epistemic field that is Côte d'Ivoire "in" and "with" the World.

Les ressorts d’une crise de l’État-nation belge sont avant tout analysés comme la montée croissante des mouvements nationalistes, régionalistes flamands et wallons (Witte, 2011 ; Bitsch, 2004) Ici, la crise s’inscrit prioritairement dans une logique de fragmentation territoriale. D’un État-nation unitaire, centralisé et francophone, la Belgique est devenue officiellement au cours du XX e siècle un État fédéral, composé de trois Régions (Wallonie, Flandre, Bruxelles-Capitale) et de trois Communautés (Française, Flamande et Germanophone). Cette progressive fragmentation de l’État-nation territorial belge s’est doublée d’une logique de confrontation entre deux groupes politiques et identitaires : les Flamands (néerlandophones) et les Wallons (francophones). Dans cette logique de confrontation, c’est la capitale belge, Bruxelles, qui apparaît comme le terrain de jeu conflictuel et l’enjeu territorial entre Flamands et Francophones. Appréhender la crise de l’État-nation belge au prisme de l’enjeu territorial bruxellois nourrit la démarche d’ensemble de cette thèse. L’origine grecque du concept de crise, krisis, fournit des éléments d’analyse essentiels afin de dépasser une approche de l’ébranlement de l’État-nation centrée sur les effets et les situations de blocage. Le concept de crise met en œuvre le couple conceptuel de aporie/poros/kairos. Le poros signifie le passage, l’issue, le chemin. A contrario, l’aporie désigne des situations de blocage et l’absence d’issue. L’aporie, les situations de blocages de l’État-nation belge se matérialisant à Bruxelles, révèlent le paradoxe sur lequel se sont construits les États-nations territoriaux. Dans ce contexte, l’introduction du kairos – l’opportunité - dans cette situation d’aporie se réfère à l’émergence d’un paradigme concurrent au nationalisme méthodologique : le cosmopolitisme méthodologique. Celui-ci se nourrit de l’affirmation et de la reconnaissance de différents mécanismes globaux et urbains, distillant de la diversité au sein des sociétés, se jouant ainsi des paradigmes et des constructions nationales reconnues ou en devenir. Dans cette perspective, cette thèse étudie l’émergence de mouvements urbains comme porteurs de ce cosmopolitisme méthodologique dans un ensemble de pratiques politiques, sociales et spatiales. Plus spécifiquement, cette recherche porte sur le mouvement bruxellois, regroupant aujourd’hui une partie de la société civile et des partis politiques à Bruxelles, et dont l’objectif est de proposer une alternative à la montée croissante des nationalismes en Belgique, mis en concurrence au sein de l’espace bruxellois. / This work analyzes the patterns of the crisis of the Belgian Nation-state and its territorial fragmentation in the light of the rise of nationalist movements (Witte, 2011 ; Bitsch, 2004). From a centralized, French-speaking and unitary Nation-State, Belgium became, during the 20th century, a federal state. The Belgian federal state gathers three Regions (Wallonia, Flanders, Brussels Capital-Region) and three Communities (French-speaking, Flemish and German-Speaking). This progressive territorial fragmentation was coupled with a confrontation between political groups with strong identity claims: the Flemish (Dutch speaking) and Walloon (French speaking). Amidst this confrontation Brussels appears as a conflicting territorial issue between the Flemish and the French-Speaking Community. This work aims precisely to understand the crisis of the Belgian Nation-State through the role of and issues at stake with Brussels. The Greek origin of the concept of crisis, krisis, provides cornerstone elements to overcome an approach centered on the nation-state ‘blocking effects’. The relations among aporia/kairos/poros structure the concept of krisis. The poros means the outcome, the way out. In contrast, aporia reflects a deadlock situation and the lack of solutions. In the context of our study, the introduction of kairos – i.e. opportunity – refers to the emergence of a methodological cosmopolitan paradigm (Beck, 2003). It refers to the affirmation and recognition of urban and global mechanisms, distilling diversity within societies. In this perspective, this thesis focuses on the emergence of urban movements who are supporting methodological cosmopolitanism in a set of political, social and spatial practices. More specifically, it researches how the Brussels’ urban movement brings together the civil society and political parties to offer an alternative to the increasing rise of nationalism in Belgium

Diese Dissertation befasst sich mit dem oft vernachlässigten Problem ethnischer Gruppen, die eine Delegitimierung ihrer Staatsbürgerschaft erfahren haben. Sie gelten nicht als „richtige“ Staatsbürger eines Nationalstaates, da sie nicht der ethnischen Definition der Nation entsprechen. Staatsbürgerschaft entsteht im Zuge der Bildung von Nationalstaaten in einem modernen Weltsystem, das nach wie vor kolonial geprägt ist. Die Legitimität dieser globalen kolonialen Idee des Nationalstaates basierte auf dem kulturellen Konzept einer Nation; der Illusion einer homogenen gemeinsamen Vergangenheit, gemeinsamer Gebräuche und einer gemeinsamen Sprache, in der Unterschiede unterdrückt werden. Auf diesem Modell basiert die Idee eines legitimen Bürgers. Illegitime Staatsbürgerschaft ist eine andere Art und Weise, eine koloniale Staatsbürgerschaft zu benennen, die in ein eurozentrisches, patriarchalisch/weiß und christlich zentriertes Weltsystem eingebettet ist. Staatsbürgerschaft ist ein Konzept, das sich auf Individuen bezieht. Durch Rassializierung und Ethnisierung wird dem Mensch seine Individualität genommen. Der rassifizierte -illegitime Bürger wird stets als Teil einer Gruppe beschrieben; die "Einwanderer", die "Muslime", die "Indigenen", die "Inder des Nordostens". Sie werden nie als autonomes individuelles Subjekt beschrieben. Diese Individualität ist den weißen europäischen oder europäischen Nachkommen vorbehalten und wird als "weißes Privileg" bezeichnet. Diese Dissertation beschreibt, wie ähnlich die illegitime Staatsbürgerschaft in zwei unterschiedlichen Ländern empirisch operiert, die beide eine koloniale, untergeordnete Position im Weltsystem einnehmen. Die untersuchten Gruppen – die Mapuche in Chile und die Menschen im Nordosten Indiens – leiden unter einer doppelten Kolonialisierung. Zum einen aufgrund der Position von Chile und Indien im Weltsystem, zum anderen bezüglich der geringen Wertschätzung innerhalb des Nationalstaates. / This thesis tackles the commonly overlooked issue of ethnic groups that have suffered a delegetimization of their citizenship. They are not considered as the ideal citizens of a nation-state because they do not conform ethnically to the definition of the nation. Citizenship emerges with the formation of the nation-state in a modern world system characterized by a still operating coloniality. The legitimacy of this global colonial idea of nation-state was based on the cultural concept of a nation; an illusion of a homogenous shared past, customs and language where differences were suppressed. This is the common pattern of nation-state formation and the rise of the idea of a legitimate citizen. Illegitimate citizenship is another way of naming a colonial citizenship inserted in a Eurocentric patriarchal/white and Christian-centered world-system. Citizenship is a concept referring to individuals, however, and when it is racialized or ethnicized, the individuality of the person is taken away. The racialized citizen, the illegitimate citizen is always described as part of a group; the “immigrants”, the “Muslims”, the “indigenous”, the “northeastern Indians”. They are never described as an autonomous individual subject. This individuality is reserved for white European or European- descendant people and has been coined as “white privilege”. This research describes how illegitimate citizenship empirically operates in a very similar way in two ethnic groups within two different countries that have in common a colonial subordinated position in the world system. Therefore, Mapuches in Chile and Northeastern Indians suffer a double colonization in two different scales; one regarding the position of Chile and India in the world-system and one regarding their own position within the nation-state.

This is a study of the development of post-war Iraq after the downfall of former President Saddam Hussein in 2003. The thesis examines the actions and consequences of the coalition led by the United States to facilitate the re-construction of Iraq as a democratic nation-state. The thesis examines the geo-political, economic and ideological motivations behind the US actions in Iraq in order to explain why the coalition plans to reconstruct the country along the lines of a democratic nation-state have failed so profoundly. The thesis develops a typology of policies that lead to successful nation-state building in post-authoritarian and post-conflict scenarios and applies this typology to the actual policies implemented by the US-led coalition after the fall of Saddam in 2003. The thesis illustrates that many of the policies implemented by the coalition undermined successful nation-state building. These policies failed to ensure the security and stability of Iraq after the invasion and thereby hampered economic development. Rather than re-defining Iraqi nationhood in democratic terms, the implemented policies enshrined ethno-sectarian divisions in the political landscape and in the social fabric of Iraq. The new Iraqi state lacked a stable constitutional and legal foundation and a functioning judiciary to ensure the rule of law. Finally, the political order established by the US-led coalition is marred by partisan conflicts and Kurdish independence tendencies which weaken the central government and the operation of its various departments and further threaten the territorial integrity of the Iraqi state. The thesis argues - based on evidence gathered through a nation-wide survey, in-depth interviews with influential stakeholders in the public sectors and other material - that Iraq after 2003 has become a failed state.