CHARLES UNIVERSITY IN PRAGUE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of International Studies Elisabeth Anna Hobl Changing the interpretation of monuments for the purpose of influencing the Czechoslovak collective identity through Rudé Právo and presidential speeches (1948-1957) Masters thesis Prague 2015 Abstract The Communist Party of Czechoslovak (KSČ) tried self-servingly to shape the interpretation of Czechoslovak history. National identity can theoretically change over time by adapting amongst others collective memory. As collective memory also consists of several components the thesis focuses on early attempts to influence Czechoslovak national identity by altering the meaning of certain historical events represented by specific monuments in the period 1948- 1957. A monument's meaning derives from discourse and traditions. The analysis shows that Rudé Právo articles and Presidential speeches were part of a discourse used to influence the meaning of monuments. The case studies: Bethlehem Chapel was to symbolize the historical Hussite legacy continued by the KSČ; the Monument of National Liberation was to commemorate World War Two soldiers and important communists; the Monument of the Soviet Tank Drivers was to commemorate the Red Army as Czechoslovakia's sole liberator. These interpretations were meant...

This Dissertation, written at the Department of Political Studies in the School of Social Sciences, is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D), to the Faculty of Humanities at the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, September 2017 / The purpose of this study is to examine the causes of ideological moderation in the South African party system in the post-1994 period. Previous research stresses the non-left-right feature of politics and when it recognises the centrist feature of major parties and moderation of the party system, the causes of the latter are unexplained. The deficiency in previous research is that moderation and limited left-right disagreements as fundamental causes of broader political dynamics are overlooked — moderate systems foster political consensus and democratic stability. In this study I critically examine three theoretical causal variables that account for moderation: the electoral system, the electorate, and the dominant party. This study relies on a measurement of party system fragmentation, and voter and party system polarisation, as well as an intensive qualitative assessment of the ANC. The evidence is based on a number of nationally representative surveys that measure public opinion; interviews with political party leaders and representatives, and officials from labour and business; and document analysis. The finding is that the ANC as the dominant party is the main driver of moderation in the party system. Coupled with electoral dominance, the centripetal, non-dogmatic, pragmatic and flexible tendencies that characterise the ANC permit the party to induce and stabilise party system moderation. This study: develops a causal framework for understanding moderation; builds on previous research about the centrism of major parties and the moderation of the party system (both quantitatively and qualitatively); departs from the argument about the fragmented and rightist nature of the opposition bloc and the race-based approach to the electorate; and extends the debate about the ANC by arguing that left-right movement occurs within centrist terrain, and that the party is not an amorphous or client entity but a clearly defined one. I also add to: the growing body of knowledge that finds no necessary connection between proportionalism, extremist party positioning and polarisation; the idea that party system polarisation is less reflective of voter polarisation; and concur with previous research that argues that the role of a pivotal centre party is critical for the party system. / XL2018

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This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia. / Graduate / miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de

INTIMIDATION AS A FACTOR IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF SOUTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BELA BELA (WARMBATHS): AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE The cultural revitalisation or adjustment model of Anthony Wallace provides a basis for interpreting religious, political and other revitalisation movements. This study focuses on political revitalisation movements. Participation in the activities of revitalisation movements does not always occur voluntarily. Leaders of such movements apply techniques and methods of intimidation enforcing change and participation. In South Africa, political revitalisation was inter alia brought about by the ANC as political liberation movement who used methods of violent and non-violent intimidation to force people, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, to support the movement and enforce political change. The ANC inter alia used charactersitic cultural phenomena and components of Bantu-speakers as resources for intimidation to ensure unanimity, participation and ultimately to achieve political liberation. Cultural components that were exploited included communality, group solidarity, administration of justice, songs and dances. / INTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel. In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard. Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid, te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van Bantoe-sprekendes. Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke bevryding te bereik. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Anthropology)

INTIMIDATION AS A FACTOR IN THE LIBERATION STRUGGLE OF SOUTH AFRICA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO BELA BELA (WARMBATHS): AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE The cultural revitalisation or adjustment model of Anthony Wallace provides a basis for interpreting religious, political and other revitalisation movements. This study focuses on political revitalisation movements. Participation in the activities of revitalisation movements does not always occur voluntarily. Leaders of such movements apply techniques and methods of intimidation enforcing change and participation. In South Africa, political revitalisation was inter alia brought about by the ANC as political liberation movement who used methods of violent and non-violent intimidation to force people, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, to support the movement and enforce political change. The ANC inter alia used charactersitic cultural phenomena and components of Bantu-speakers as resources for intimidation to ensure unanimity, participation and ultimately to achieve political liberation. Cultural components that were exploited included communality, group solidarity, administration of justice, songs and dances. / INTIMIDASIE AS 'N FAKTOR IN DIE VRYHEIDSTRYD IN SUID-AFRIKA MET SPESIALE VERWYSING NA BELA BELA (WARMBAD): 'N ANTROPOLOGIESE PERSPEK.TIEF Kulturele vernuwmg ts 'n universele verskynsel. Anthony Wallace se model van kulturele vernuwing of -aanpassing bied 'n raamwerk vir die verduideliking en interpretasie van die fases waardeur kulturele vernuwingsbewegings van 'n godsdienstige, politieke of ander aard ontwikkel. In hierdie studie word daar uitsluitlik gefokus op vernuwingsbewegings van 'n politieke aard. Aangesien deelname aan die aktiwiteite van kulturele vernuwings- en aanpassingsbewegings nie noodwendig vrywillig geskied nie, het leiers van hierdie bewegings gebruik gemaak van tegnieke en metodes van intimidasie om deelname en vernuwing op die massas af te dwing. In SuidAfrika is politieke vernuwing onder andere teweeggebring deur die ANC as politieke bevrydingsbeweging. Die ANC het gebruik gemaak van gewelddadige (harde of direkte) sowel as nie-geweldadige (sagte of indirekte) intimidasie om mense, ongeag hulle etniese aanhorigheid, te dwing om die beweging se oogmerke aktief te ondersteun om politieke verandering te weeg te bring. As dee! van die strategie om deur intimidasie mense tot deelname aan massa-aksies soos optogte, betogings en massa-vergaderings te dwing, het die ANC gebruik gemaak van bepaalde kultuur verskynsels en -komponente wat eie is aan die lewensbeskouinge en lewenswyse van Bantoe-sprekendes. Kultuurkomponente wat suksesvol benut is deur die leiers en lede van bevrydingsbewegings omvat, onder andere verskynsels soos kommunaliteit, groep solidariteit, die regspraak, liedere en danse. Hierdie kultuurkomponente en verskynsels is verander en aangepas om ten eerste eenheid en deelname te bewerkstellig en te verseker en uiteindelik om die hoofdoelwit van politieke bevryding te bereik. / Anthropology and Archaeology / M.A. (Anthropology)

My mini-dissertation gives the autobiography of Talent Nyathi, who was born in rural Zimbabwe in 1961. Talent was unwillingly conscripted into the Zimbabwean Liberation Struggle. On her return to Zimbabwe, she has worked tirelessly for the education of her compatriots. Talent's story casts light on subject-formation in conditions of difficulty, suffering and victimization. Doubly oppressed by her race and gender, Talent has nevertheless shown a remarkable capacity for self-empowerment and the empowerment of others. Her story needs to be heard because it will inspire other women and other S/subjects and because it is a corrective to both the notions of a heroic Struggle and the `victim' stereotype of Africa. Together with Talent's autobiography, my mini-dissertation offers extensive notes that situate her life story in the context of contemporary postcolonial, literary and gender theory and further draws out the significance of her individual `history-from-below'. / English Studies / M.A.

Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Liberation movements came into being across the entire African continent as a political response to colonisation. However, Africa has in this field, as in so many others, been largely understudied, in comparison to revolutionary movements in South America and South East Asia. While many case studies on specific liberation movements exist, very few are comparative in nature. This study will do precisely that using the framework of Thomas H. Greene. The resistance movements in South Africa and Zimbabwe, then Rhodesia, consisted of several organisations, but the ones that emerged as the most powerful and significant in the two countries were the ANC and ZANU respectively. Although their situations were similar in many ways, there were other factors that necessarily led to two very different liberation struggles. This study looks closer at these factors, why they were so, and what this meant for the two movements. It focuses on the different characteristics of the movements, dividing these into leadership, support base, ideology, organisation, strategies and external support. All revolutionary movements rely on these factors to varying degrees, depending on the conditions they are operating under. The ANC and ZANU both had to fight under very difficult and different circumstances, with oppressive minority regimes severely restricting their actions. This meant that the non-violent protests that initially were a great influence for the leadership of both movements – especially with the successes of Mahatma Gandhi in South Africa and India, inevitably had to give way to the more effective strategies of sabotage and armed struggle. Like other African resistance movements, nationalism was used as the main mobilising tool within the populations. In South Africa the struggle against apartheid was more complex and multidimensional than in Zimbabwe. Ultimately successful in their efforts, the ANC and ZANU both became the political parties that assumed power after liberation. This study does not extend to post-liberation problems.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.