L' essentiel de ce travail se situe dans l`intersection entre le déroulement des mouvements sociaux ruraux et les expériences révolutionnaires armées, en partant d`un cas spécifique dans lequel un mouvement communautaire, ayant une forte base ethnique, a dû faire face à une situation de violence généralisée à cause de la présence simultanée d`un conflit social en évolution et d`acteurs insurgés armés qui se disputaient le territoire et la population. Il s`agit du Mouvement Armé Quintín Lame, organisation ayant agi entre 1985 et 1991 dans le nord du département du Cauca, au sud-ouest de la Colombie. Dans ce territoire d`environ 250.000 habitants (21% de la population indienne nationale) se trouve la deuxième grande concentration indienne du pays. Depuis les années soixante-dix, ce scénario est l`épicentre de la plus grande mobilisation armée de la Colombie qui, quarante ans après, obtiendra des réussites indiscutables dans sa lutte pour l`autonomie, la récupération de la terre au bénéfice des communautés indiens et de précieux éléments culturels qui ont permis de consolider un processus réussi de recomposition identitaire. / This work lies in the intersection between the process of rural social movements and the armed revolutionary experiences, starting from a specific case in which a community movement, with a strong ethnic base, had to cope with widespread violence because of the simultaneous presence of the social conflict and insurgents armed who disputed the territory and population. This is the Quintin Lame Armed Movement, an organization that acted between 1985 and 1991 in northern Cauca, southwest Colombia. This territory of about 250,000 inhabitants (21% of the national Indian population) is the second largest concentration of native country. Since the seventies, this scenario is the epicenter of the largest social mobilization of Colombia who, forty years later, obtain indisputable successes in its fight for autonomy, the recovery of land for the benefit of Indian communities and valuable cultural elements that have helped to consolidate a successful process of reconstruction of identity.

ČERMÁKOVÁ, DENISA. The Shining Path - Reasons of Failure. Prague: Faculty of Arts, Charles University in Prague, 2011, 63 pp. Diploma Thesis. The thesis focuses on twenty years of existence of the Shining Path. The first part of this diploma is focused on history, activities and ideological principles of this guerilla group. Its activities represented a threat not only to government officials but also for the indigenous population. The activities of the Shining Path broke the effective functioning of the state, which was in a civil war. The work also analyzes the situation of the indigenous population, which became the main target of terror both the Shining Path and state power. When the Shining Path became the main source of political violence, Alberto Fujimori was elected a president. Fujimori with great support from the population began vigorous fight against guerrillas operating in Peru. The main purpose of this thesis is to analyze the Fujimori strategy of struggle against the Shining Path. The thesis also deals with the apparent shift toward the Fujimori regime authoritarian form of governance. The essential role was played in this struggle by the indigenous population that despite the initial sympathy to the members of the Shining Path stopped to support it. Keywords: Peru - the Shining...

Em 1977, a Alfa-Omega, uma editora de oposição ao regime militar, publicou Em Câmara Lenta, de Renato Tapajós. Foi a primeira obra nacional, produzida por um escritor que atuou em um grupo da esquerda armada, a trazer uma reflexão crítica sobre as estratégias da guerrilha e a denunciar o emprego brutal da tortura pela repressão. O autor participara da Ala Vermelha, um agrupamento urbano de influência maoísta que empreendeu ações armadas, e por isso cumpriu pena de 1969 a 1974. Divulgado por todo o Brasil, o livro despertou a fúria de setores conservadores e levou a um episódio inusitado: em julho de 1977 Tapajós foi preso em São Paulo e ficou dez dias incomunicável, sob a acusação de que Em Câmara lenta era \"instrumento de guerra revolucionária\". Isso apesar de o livro não ter sido proibido e não ter, do ponto de vista legal, nenhum empecilho à sua circulação. Somente 15 dias depos da prisão de Tapajós, a obra foi censurada e sua venda, proibida. A partir das intricadas repercussões desse fato, o propósito principal deste trabalho é procurar demonstrar como a experiência da luta armada se transformou em narrativa literária. Para tanto, apresentamos um estudo sobre a história do livro, sobre os procedimentos empregados tanto na formação da culpa dirigida contra Renato Tapajós (com base em documentos do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social, DOPS, de São Paulo, produzidos durante a investigação policial) quanto os utilizados pela defesa do caso, bem como a respeito da recepção crítica e do teor testemunhal presente no romance / In 1977, Alfa-Omega, a publish house which opposes the Military Regime, published Em Câmara Lenta, by Renato Tapajós. It was the first book to analyze the leftist guerilla groups strategies and to denounce the brutality of the torture enforced by the military and the police against the activists of those groups. Tapajós had been a militant of Ala Vermelha, an urban Maoist guerilla group, and had been jailed from 1969 to 1974. Publicized all over the country, the book was furiously received by the conservative sectors of Brazilian society. In a surprising move, Tapajós was jailed in São Paulo in July of 1977 and stayed 10 days without any communication, under the accusation that Em Câmara Lenta was a \"tool of the revolutionary guerrilla\". Formally, the book was not forbidden and legally, there was no problem to publish and publicize it. Just after 15 days of Tapajós got the jail, the book was formally censured and it was made illegal to sell it. Taking in consideration the complex repercussions of this event, the initial aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate how the leftist guerrilla experience was transformed in a literary narrative. In order to do that, I present a study of this book history, the criminal procedures enforced against Renato Tapajós (using the documentation of the State Department of Political and Social Order, DOPS, the political police of São Paulo, produced during the police investigation) and in favor of him, as well as the testimonial narrative of the romance and its critical reception by the public and the specialists.

Em 1977, a Alfa-Omega, uma editora de oposição ao regime militar, publicou Em Câmara Lenta, de Renato Tapajós. Foi a primeira obra nacional, produzida por um escritor que atuou em um grupo da esquerda armada, a trazer uma reflexão crítica sobre as estratégias da guerrilha e a denunciar o emprego brutal da tortura pela repressão. O autor participara da Ala Vermelha, um agrupamento urbano de influência maoísta que empreendeu ações armadas, e por isso cumpriu pena de 1969 a 1974. Divulgado por todo o Brasil, o livro despertou a fúria de setores conservadores e levou a um episódio inusitado: em julho de 1977 Tapajós foi preso em São Paulo e ficou dez dias incomunicável, sob a acusação de que Em Câmara lenta era \"instrumento de guerra revolucionária\". Isso apesar de o livro não ter sido proibido e não ter, do ponto de vista legal, nenhum empecilho à sua circulação. Somente 15 dias depos da prisão de Tapajós, a obra foi censurada e sua venda, proibida. A partir das intricadas repercussões desse fato, o propósito principal deste trabalho é procurar demonstrar como a experiência da luta armada se transformou em narrativa literária. Para tanto, apresentamos um estudo sobre a história do livro, sobre os procedimentos empregados tanto na formação da culpa dirigida contra Renato Tapajós (com base em documentos do Departamento Estadual de Ordem Política e Social, DOPS, de São Paulo, produzidos durante a investigação policial) quanto os utilizados pela defesa do caso, bem como a respeito da recepção crítica e do teor testemunhal presente no romance / In 1977, Alfa-Omega, a publish house which opposes the Military Regime, published Em Câmara Lenta, by Renato Tapajós. It was the first book to analyze the leftist guerilla groups strategies and to denounce the brutality of the torture enforced by the military and the police against the activists of those groups. Tapajós had been a militant of Ala Vermelha, an urban Maoist guerilla group, and had been jailed from 1969 to 1974. Publicized all over the country, the book was furiously received by the conservative sectors of Brazilian society. In a surprising move, Tapajós was jailed in São Paulo in July of 1977 and stayed 10 days without any communication, under the accusation that Em Câmara Lenta was a \"tool of the revolutionary guerrilla\". Formally, the book was not forbidden and legally, there was no problem to publish and publicize it. Just after 15 days of Tapajós got the jail, the book was formally censured and it was made illegal to sell it. Taking in consideration the complex repercussions of this event, the initial aim of this dissertation is to demonstrate how the leftist guerrilla experience was transformed in a literary narrative. In order to do that, I present a study of this book history, the criminal procedures enforced against Renato Tapajós (using the documentation of the State Department of Political and Social Order, DOPS, the political police of São Paulo, produced during the police investigation) and in favor of him, as well as the testimonial narrative of the romance and its critical reception by the public and the specialists.

Orientador: José Maurício Paiva Andion Arruti / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T08:00:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PonceGarcia_Andrea_M.pdf: 2858567 bytes, checksum: 5e2747325673b9ccb2ffe96e3e7a7856 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir diversos aspectos que configuram as trajetórias que a(s) memória(s) do povo indígena Suruí Aikewara da aldeia Sororó (sudeste do estado do Pará, Brasil) têm experimentado a partir de um evento histórico particular: a repressão militar à Guerrilha do Araguaia (1972 -1975). Trata-se de um exercício que procura refletir sobre os mecanismos de ativação ou apaziguamento do silêncio, enquanto eles, os indígenas, contam sua própria versão da experiência vivida no contexto da ditadura civil militar. Também evidencio neste trabalho os encontros-contatos que os Aikewara têm estabelecido com vários atores nacionais que hoje são responsáveis pelas políticas da memória na dinâmica transicional neste país, principalmente a Comissão Nacional da Verdade (CNV) e a Comissão Anistia (CA). A presença e agência deste povo indígena no evento do Araguaia os têm colocado historiograficamente num lugar instável, onde às vezes são considerados vítimas e, por vezes, os algozes, e por isso o seu papel neste episódio particular da história nacional está sempre em constante negociação. Sendo assim, as atuais dinâmicas narrativas e a evocação pública de experiências compartilhadas que têm sido ativadas principalmente pelas novas gerações na aldeia são relevantes para refletir sobre uma possível materialização da memória partindo de um entendimento diferente da reparação: de natureza coletiva e que salienta a regularização territorial / Abstract: The aim of this research is to discuss several aspects of the indigenous people of Suruí Aikewara of the Sororó Village¿s memory path (southeast of Pará, Brazil) that has been shaped from one particular historical episode: the military repression to Araguaia¿s Guerrilla (197-1975). Attempt that pretends to accomplish the silence¿s mechanisms of activation or appeasements, as they recounted their own version of the story according their experience during the civil military dictatorship period. Moreover, encounters that have been established between Aikewara indigenous and many national stakeholders, who nowadays are responsible for the politics of memory in the transitional dynamics in this country, mainly referring to the National Truth Commission (CNV) and Amnesty Commission (AC), are evidenced. The presence and agency of this indigenous people in the Araguaia event has placed them in an unstable place, where they are sometimes considered the victims and some other times the perpetrators. Their "role" in this particular episode of Brazil¿s national history is always in constant negotiation. That is why current narrative dynamics and public evocation of shared experiences, which have been mainly activated by the new generations in this village, are relevant to ponder a possible materialization of the memory that arises from a different understanding of reparation: one of collective nature that demands their territorial regularization / Mestrado / Antropologia Social / Mestra em Antropologia Social

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 12, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Orientador: Marcelo Siqueira Ridenti / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / O exemplar do AEL pertence a Coleção CPDS / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T03:43:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ribeiro_MariaClaudiaBadan_M.pdf: 21044562 bytes, checksum: 2af6360d9c43140956f5e9c316250441 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: o propósito do trabalho foi analisar os livros de memória de Carlos Eugênio Paz. O golpe militar brasileiro conduziu o Partido Comunista (PCB) a sérias divisões internas e Carlos Eugênio esteve entre os membros que o abandonaram, engajando-se na luta armada. Nesse sentido, entender esse momento, envolve conhecer também sua história de vida em particular, e a história da Ação Libertadora Nacional (ALN) em geral. Alguns autores contribuíram muito nessa direção ao descrever suas experiências de vida na guerrilha, mas Carlos Eugênio relatou em maiores detalhes a profundidade das mudanças no interior da organização, seu desenvolvimento, suas práticas e a força de seus ideais contra o regime militar, quando todos os seus militantes continuaram a lutaraté a morte. Seus livros desejam contar a sua verdade sobre o período, repensar o significado da guerrilha urbana, abrindo-se a uma nova perspectiva de revolução, ao tentar mostrar que após anos de intensas ações armadas sob um Estado em situação de "guerra interna", medo e punição, o debate político fora renegado a atos de violência essencialmente, sem um esforço de atrair a população para suas propostas / Abstract: The purpose of this work was to analyze the memory books of Carlos Eugênio Paz. The Brazilian military stroke lead the Communist Party (PCB) to serious internal divisions and Carlos Eugênio was among the members that abandoned it, engaging himself in the armed combat. Thereby, understanding this moment, involves also to know particularly his life's history, and the history of the Ação Nacional Libertadora (ALN) in general. Some authors contributed a lot in this point when describing their life experiences in the combat, but Carlos Eugênio told in larger details the depth of the changes inside the organization, its development, their practices and the power of their ideais against the military system, en ali its militants continued to fight until their death. His books want to describe his truth about the period, to rethink the urban fight's meaning, opening up the minds for a new revolution perspective, trying to show that after years of intensive armed actions against a State in "intern war situation", fear and punishment, the political debate had been renounced essentially to violence actions, without an effort of attracting the population for their proposals / Mestrado / Sociologia / Mestre em Sociologia

No description available.

This thesis is an ethnographic account of social change, triggered by the civil war in Nepal (1996-2006). Based on an ethnographic fieldwork in the village of Thabang, the war-time capital of the Maoist base area, this thesis explores the transformative impact of the conflict on people’s everyday lives and on the constitution of key hierarchies structuring Nepali society. Rather than focusing on violence and fear – the commonly researched themes in warzones – the thesis examines people’s everyday social and embodied practices during the war and its aftermath, arguing that these remain central to our understanding of war-time social processes and the ways in which they shape the contours of post-conflict society. By focusing on mundane practices – such as meat-eating and alcohol-drinking, raising livestock and worshipping gods – the thesis demonstrates how change at the micro-level is illustrative of a profound transformation in the social structures constituting Nepali society. Theoretically, the thesis seeks to understand how the situation of war re-orders society: in this case, how people in the Maoist base area interiorized formerly transgressive norms and practices, and how these practices were normalized in the post-conflict environment. The research revealed that much of the change triggered by the conflict came as a result of the ‘exceptional’ times of war and the necessity to follow ‘rules that apply in times of crisis’. Thus, in adopting transgressive practices during the conflict, people were responding to the expediency of war-time rather than following Maoist war-time policies or ‘propaganda’. Furthermore, while adopting hitherto unimaginable practices and making them into habitual action, people transformed the rigid social structures, without necessarily intending to do so. The thesis puts particular stress on the centrality of unintended consequences in social change, the power of embodied practice in making change real, and the ways in which agency and structure are mutually constitutive.

The Reagan Administration took office in 1981 and began to implement against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), what became known as the Reagan Doctrine. The was an effort to break with previous the previous presidential administration’s policies toward the USSR and would involve the rollback of Communism, instead of simply just co-existing with Communism (Détente) or containing the spread of it. Part of the area that was subject to the Reagan Doctrine included the volatile southern African region, which had two Marxist-Leninist Regimes, namely Angola and Mozambique. Using Graham Allison’s bureaucratic political model, this study attempts to answer the question: “Even when all the prerequisites were met, why was there a decision to only implement a modified form of the Reagan Doctrine in Mozambique, instead of a full-blown effort, such as in, for example Angola or Afghanistan?” As will be shown in the research, the Reagan Doctrine was not a written doctrine, but had many different facets, as will be shown. The most significant part of the Reagan Doctrine was the recognition and arming of insurgents who confronted the Soviet backed regimes including RENAMO. There have been claims that the US Government did not recognize RENAMO. This is false as will be shown by the fact that President Reagan urged FRELIMO to negotiate with the RENAMO resistance. The real significance of this is that even if all prerequisites were met, why was there such reluctance to apply the doctrine with the veracity as compared to the effort in Angola and Afghanistan in arming RENAMO. Was the United States Government still trapped in the “Vietnam Syndrome”? Did the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) have the 3 same political and charismatic qualities as the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)? Were special interests or lobbyists influencing government bureaucrats to view decisions in a specific way? A significant part of this study is devoted to the question of how much influence did the bureaucracy and the politicians (both appointed and career) had on the important national security decision-making process involving Mozambique. Another question that could be asked is: Was the doctrine indirectly applied through third parties? In 1989 when the Reagan Administration ended, did President Reagan and the Reagan Administration achieve their objectives toward Mozambique. If so, was this due to the Reagan Doctrine or other factors? If not, did any actors or events interfere with the strategy? / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)