This thesis is a critical examination of civic nationalism that focuses on the disconnect between nationalist ideology and the social bases of nationhood, and the implications that this disconnect has for the feasibility of civic nationalism as a policy prescription for issues such as intra-state nationalist conflict and immigrant integration. While problems with the principles of civic nationalist ideology are important, my focus here is the more significant problem that civic nationalism is based on a general theory of nations and nationalism that treats them as solely ideological phenomena. Against this I argue that the term ‘nationalism’ refers to several different phenomena, most importantly a ‘system of culture’ or way of organizing society as described by Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson, and that augmenting Gellner and Anderson’s theories with the kind of relational social theory used by authors such as Rogers Brubaker and Charles Tilly provides an alternative explanation that is a better match for the evidence. If this is the case, I contend, then civic nationalism is both a misrepresentation of the history of nations and nationalism and infeasible as a prescription for policy issues such as intra-state nationalist conflict and immigrant integration. These arguments are supported with empirical evidence that is principally drawn from four cases: France, the United States, Northern Ireland, and Canada. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-11-27 11:21:47.013

Les élites politiques syriennes (1946-1963) : Discours et pratiques.Cette recherche porte sur l’analyse du discours des élites politiques syriennes qui ont dominé la scène politique pendant la période 1946 – 1963, c'est-à-dire de l’indépendance jusqu’à l’arrivée au pouvoir du comité militaire du Ba`ath. Pour comprendre comment le discours s’est construit et comment il a été mis en pratique sur le terrain, nous avons classé les élites en trois catégories : libérale, militaire et émergentes (nationaliste, islamiste et communiste). Ces élites sont traitées aux niveaux politique et historique, mais aussi social, à partir de leur discours : sa formation, sa constitution et sa mise en œuvre. Nous nous sommes donc appuyés sur les documents produits par et sur les leaders : mémoires, discours, articles de presse, déclarations, statuts des partis…L'approche analytique comparative que nous avons choisie, basée sur les théories de Foucault, Bourdieu et Keller, nous a aidés à faire le lien entre le texte des discours et les contextes politiques, économiques, culturels et sociaux où ils étaient produits. Notre approche méthodologique nous a permis d'étudier l'histoire et les mécanismes de la formation des élites, les « acteurs sociaux », d'analyser les discours et de les comparer au niveau des concepts, des slogans et des pratiques. Nous avons observé que si le discours des élites politiques syriennes se voulait attaché à la modernité (société et État), leurs pratiques politiques demeuraient fortement influencées par leurs formations socio-culturelles, locales, idéologiques et par les conditions de la lutte pour le pouvoir à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la Syrie. Ce discours fut « élitiste », notamment en ce qu’il incarnait les intérêts de la bourgeoisie et utilisé pour dissimuler la différence entre la théorie et la pratique. L’étude de cette période de l'histoire de la Syrie éclaire l’évolution de la situation du pays après ‎le ‎Printemps arabe de 2011. Elle aide ainsi à comprendre la réalité actuelle et contribue à répondre à certaines questions d’aujourd'hui à propos du conflit en cours en Syrie. / This research focuses on the discourse of the Syrian political elite that dominated the political scene from 1946 to 1963, in other words, from Independence until the Ba`ath military committee came to power. To understand how this discourse has been built and how it has been put into practice, elites have been divided into three categories: Liberal, military and emergent (nationalist, islamist, and communist). These elites are viewed from a political and a historical perspective, as well as a social one based on their discourse: its creation, its constitution and its application. We therefore relied on documents produced by and about leaders, their memoirs, speeches, press articles, statements and parties’ legal statuses.This research utilizes comparative analytical approach. Based on the theories of Foucault, Bourdieu and Keller, which establishes a link between the text of the discourse and the political, economic and cultural contexts in which it has been produced. Moreover, the methodological approach allows one to study the history and the formation of the elites, the “social actors,” as well as, perform an analysis of discourses based on their different concepts, slogans and practices. This research showed that if the Syrian political elite’s discourse appears to be committed to modernity (society and State), their political practices remain strongly influenced by their socio-cultural, local and ideological constitution. It is also influenced by the requirements of the power struggle inside and outside of Syria. This discourse is “elitist” especially because it represents the interests of the upper class/bourgeoisie and further, it is used to conceal the difference between theory and practice. Studying this period of Syrian history creates an understanding of Syria’s evolution after the Arab Spring. It therefore helps in grasping the current situation and answering questions about the Syrian conflict.

汪兆銘（精衛）為近代中國上一極受爭議的歷史人物，他的一生經歷，幾乎涵蓋了半部的民國史，從早期同盟會革命運動開始，汪便是國民黨內的重要人物，許多中國現代的歷史事件都與汪氏有關。受到其後來與日本合作成立偽政權事影響，導致後人對其歷史評價不一，至今仍缺乏對其之專題研究以供定論之參考。在汪氏畢生的政治生涯中，曾參與六個「國民政府」，都曾扮演極重要的角色。而且多與蔣介石在國民黨內之間權力的爭衡和政見異同息息相關。是以兩人分裂抗衡之時期之外，亦有妥協合作的時期。兩人之間的合作有兩次，第一次是民國14年廣州國民政府時期，後因「中山艦事變」而分離；第二次是民國21年以後南京國民政府時期，至24年國民黨四屆六中全會時汪氏被刺後出現分歧。這段時期，正是國難嚴重，致力救亡圖存時期。兩人合作，共同應付國難。至於完全分裂是在27年底汪氏在投敵而至另組「國民政府」之後。本研究之主旨在探討汪、蔣二次合作的緣起與過程，及汪氏參與南京國民政府時期的表現。當時中國主要問題是在於「對日」。故本文循「對日」問題為主線，以民國20年(1931)至民國25年(1936)為斷限，作為研究的範圍。除第一章為前言及第六章為結論外，第二章〈汪兆銘參與南京國民政府之經過〉，敘述汪兆銘參與南京國民政府的過程，以便說明汪、蔣何以二次合作。第三章〈一面抵抗一面交涉〉，敘述汪兆銘的「一面抵抗、一面交涉」對日政策的由來，及其實行的經過與挫折。第四章〈汪兆銘與國民政府的安內攘外〉，敘述汪、蔣合作下的「安內攘外」政策，說明汪氏「救亡圖存」之主張與分析對日妥協綏靖的外交。第五章〈汪蔣合作走向分歧〉，敘述汪、蔣合作關係的後期演變及分歧的因果。

Ukrainian dance is a popular means of expressing Ukrainian cultural affiliation, for the dancers as well as for the audience. It also performs a didactic function by sanctioning specific identities through the instruction and presentation of dances. This thesis examines the interaction of politics and the arts in shaping these identities in Saskatchewan.<p>By tracing the establishment and development of staged dance, this thesis explores the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian identity in the twentieth century. Through analysis of primary documents, archival footage, and interviews with leaders in the dance community, a record of the development of Ukrainian dance in Saskatchewan has been created. As the reasons for the dances changed over time due to internal and external pressures, so did the dances and identities that were expressed and encouraged.<p>This study also reveals that dance and politics are inextricably intertwined in the province. An internal nationalist / progressive political division shaped Ukrainian Canadian identity and the expression of that identity, including dance. Politics were imposed through control over the locations of dance training and performance. The legitimacy of the political divide, however, was challenged in the postwar period as artistry and aesthetics were emphasized. Political influence upon Ukrainian dance also extended beyond the Ukrainian Canadian community, and included consequences of general Canadian developments, such as the multicultural policy. By tracing the intersection between politics, identity and the arts in this ethnocultural community, how various influences shaped Ukrainian cultural identity is explored and critically examined.

Ukrainian dance is a popular means of expressing Ukrainian cultural affiliation, for the dancers as well as for the audience. It also performs a didactic function by sanctioning specific identities through the instruction and presentation of dances. This thesis examines the interaction of politics and the arts in shaping these identities in Saskatchewan.<p>By tracing the establishment and development of staged dance, this thesis explores the formation of the Ukrainian Canadian identity in the twentieth century. Through analysis of primary documents, archival footage, and interviews with leaders in the dance community, a record of the development of Ukrainian dance in Saskatchewan has been created. As the reasons for the dances changed over time due to internal and external pressures, so did the dances and identities that were expressed and encouraged.<p>This study also reveals that dance and politics are inextricably intertwined in the province. An internal nationalist / progressive political division shaped Ukrainian Canadian identity and the expression of that identity, including dance. Politics were imposed through control over the locations of dance training and performance. The legitimacy of the political divide, however, was challenged in the postwar period as artistry and aesthetics were emphasized. Political influence upon Ukrainian dance also extended beyond the Ukrainian Canadian community, and included consequences of general Canadian developments, such as the multicultural policy. By tracing the intersection between politics, identity and the arts in this ethnocultural community, how various influences shaped Ukrainian cultural identity is explored and critically examined.

ABSTRACT Katirci, G&uuml / ldeniz M. S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz December 2006, 157 pages The main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate whether or not the rapid rise and decline of radical nationalism between 1999 and 2002 elections may be related to an ideological identity crisis of the Nationalist Action Party. In this context, the focus will be on the transformation of the nationalist ideology, &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / in the Ottoman Empire, Kemalist/official nationalism, and transformation of Turkish nationalism to a political party ideology and its further transformation in Turkey. The reason for drawing such a framework is related to the fact that the developmental line of the nationalist phenomenon shows a three dimensional historical continuity line in influencing Turkish nationalism as a political party ideology. The possible ideological identity crisis in the NAP ideology, which has been visible between the 1999 and 2002 general elections, should be searched in the genetic categorical paradoxes and in the transformation of nationalism as a modern phenomenon, which have been influential upon all nationalism types emerged after it. The complex structure of the nationalist phenomenon, which started to be influential on the Ottoman Empire had influenced the developmental periods of &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / appeared in their original structure. Turkish nationalism, which had developed on the same line with Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism, had inherited both the categorical paradoxes of nationalism and the emergence of &ldquo / original&rdquo / Turkish nationalism. Thus, Turkish nationalism, as a nation-state ideology, had been the carrier of these categorical inconsistencies, which had remained until the multi-party period and which were transformed to a political party ideology with the NAP in the 1960s. Therefore, throughout the thesis, the possible ideological identity crisis of the NAP ideology will be searched in its complex relation with the transformation history of political nationalism and its specific transformation in Turkey. At the end, the ideological statute of nationalism in the political spectrum will be questioned.

The objective of this study is to analyse the discourse (from 1990s onwards) of the radical nationalist perspective about Turkey-EU relations. The EU is discussed as an actor within the globalization process. Therefore, in a broader context, the study presents the situation of the radical nationalist perspective in Turkey within the globalization process. In the study, the Milliyet&ccedil / i Hareket Partisi/MHP (Nationalist Action Party) has been selected as the political representative of radical nationalism in Turkey. The party&rsquo / s official discourse concerning the relations with EU is focused. In this framework, the party&rsquo / s perception of the EU, of Turkey-EU relations, of Turkey&rsquo / s position, of itself and of other actors in these relations are analysed. It is analysed which themes are prominent in its discourse. While doing this, I also try to reveal possible contradictions, uncertainties and ambivalences.

This study analysed the reporting of the debate over the Guggenheim Bilbao in the Basque nationalist newspapers Egin and Diario Vasco. I was looking at differences/similarities between the newspapers, and at how argumentation changed over time (1997/1998), drawing upon content analysis, discourse analysis of the ideological themes in the reporting and an indepth analysis of two editorials, one in Spanish and one in Basque. The content analysis confirmed that economy and Basque culture/identity were highly controversial themes; and that in 1998 the museum became more accepted. An analysis of rhetorical strategies e.g. quantification rhetoric for economic predictions; vagueness/evasiveness to portray the Basques' reception of modem architecture/art, permitted the examination of intragroup/intergroup models of interaction, strategies and underlying ideological dilemmas (Billig et ai, 1988). After the inauguration, Diario Vasco claimed that the museum was concerned with Basque modem art, while Egin maintained a cautious distance. The in-depth comparative analysis of political rhetoric in two Egin's editorials, reporting similar events in Basque or Spanish, confirmed that the use of these different languages involves different construction of the readership; and different strategies to convey communality between writer/reader. In the Basque language editorial, communality was cautiously constructed until an assertive we Basques stressed search of unity, differentiation, and sovereignty: conflict/differences between Basques were omitted, backgrounded or ironized, while differences with the Spanish foregrounded. In the Spanish editorial, an impersonal third person tone avoided using the rhetoric of we. Specific Basques were blamed for the repression of Basque secessionism. A dramatic tone suggested subtle criticism against ETA, yet implying that it was reasonable to include ETA among the human victims. The explicit nation state's deixis in the Spanish editorial implied Spain was the nation state. In the Basque context the nation state's deixis was ambiguous: we Basques might be used to address Basques beyond French-Spanish boundaries, suggesting a long-term representation/project that imagined Basqueness beyond its present-day administrative division or actual political influence. The implications of such fine detail differences were discussed.

Esta dissertação de História tem por objetivo demonstrar a estreita relação existente entre a crise da VARIG e a mudança de paradigma do governo brasileiro com relação à aviação civil e, conseqüentemente, com relação às empresas nacionais de aviação, a partir da década de 1980, através da adoção dos preceitos neoliberais que marcaram a desregulamentação da aviação civil no mercado doméstico norte-americano. Desta forma, a partir do momento que o Estado brasileiro passou oficialmente a adotar políticas para o mercado da aviação, cujas diretrizes foram traçadas nos Estados Unidos da América, foi possível associar o estudo da história da aviação n acional à história da política governamental no que tange às suas relações com a política internacional, levando-nos a traçar um paralelo entre a política externa brasileira e a política externa dos EUA, tal a grande influência deste país no desenvolvimento da aviação civil no Brasil, principalmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, até as mudanças neoliberais das últimas décadas. Pôde-se, assim, observar em que grau a política externa norte-americana conseguiu influenciar a evolução da aviação no Brasil, em função da maior ou menor autonomia dos diversos governos brasileiros a esta política específica. Para demonstrar a relação existente entre a crise da VARIG e esta mudança de paradigma, foi necessário estudar os aspectos relacionais externos da empresa, o quanto o lema VARIG Grande se atrelava à política econômica de um BRASIL Grande, concebido durante o chamado Milagre Brasileiro, isto é, o quanto sua política empresarial esteve associada à política nacional- desenvolvimentista do Estado, que ao entrar em crise desestabilizou a histórica estratégia da VARIG, principalmente após a década de 1990, quando os espaços de interlocução entre a burocracia estatal e as empresas privadas se reduziram ao extremo. No caso da VARIG, foi preciso também analisar os seus aspectos relacionais internos, construídos ao longo de seus mais de oitenta anos de história, com práticas institucionais bastante próximas às das em presas estatais. Na conclusão, será demonstrada a co-responsabilidade do Estado na formação, no crescimento, no início da crise e na intensificação do processo de queda da empresa , através de atuações determinantes, em momentos diferentes da história do país.

Esta dissertação de História tem por objetivo demonstrar a estreita relação existente entre a crise da VARIG e a mudança de paradigma do governo brasileiro com relação à aviação civil e, conseqüentemente, com relação às empresas nacionais de aviação, a partir da década de 1980, através da adoção dos preceitos neoliberais que marcaram a desregulamentação da aviação civil no mercado doméstico norte-americano. Desta forma, a partir do momento que o Estado brasileiro passou oficialmente a adotar políticas para o mercado da aviação, cujas diretrizes foram traçadas nos Estados Unidos da América, foi possível associar o estudo da história da aviação n acional à história da política governamental no que tange às suas relações com a política internacional, levando-nos a traçar um paralelo entre a política externa brasileira e a política externa dos EUA, tal a grande influência deste país no desenvolvimento da aviação civil no Brasil, principalmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, até as mudanças neoliberais das últimas décadas. Pôde-se, assim, observar em que grau a política externa norte-americana conseguiu influenciar a evolução da aviação no Brasil, em função da maior ou menor autonomia dos diversos governos brasileiros a esta política específica. Para demonstrar a relação existente entre a crise da VARIG e esta mudança de paradigma, foi necessário estudar os aspectos relacionais externos da empresa, o quanto o lema VARIG Grande se atrelava à política econômica de um BRASIL Grande, concebido durante o chamado Milagre Brasileiro, isto é, o quanto sua política empresarial esteve associada à política nacional- desenvolvimentista do Estado, que ao entrar em crise desestabilizou a histórica estratégia da VARIG, principalmente após a década de 1990, quando os espaços de interlocução entre a burocracia estatal e as empresas privadas se reduziram ao extremo. No caso da VARIG, foi preciso também analisar os seus aspectos relacionais internos, construídos ao longo de seus mais de oitenta anos de história, com práticas institucionais bastante próximas às das em presas estatais. Na conclusão, será demonstrada a co-responsabilidade do Estado na formação, no crescimento, no início da crise e na intensificação do processo de queda da empresa , através de atuações determinantes, em momentos diferentes da história do país.