This study looks at social studies teachers' perceptions of Malawi's national identity as it is promoted through Malawi's primary school social studies education. The following research questions were posed: 1) What are teachers' perceptions of national identity in Malawi? 2) What are teachers' perceptions of Malawi's primary school social studies curriculum? and 3) What are teachers' perceptions of the practice of constructing national identity through primary school social studies curriculum in Malawi? The recent revision of Malawi's social studies curriculum allows for a new analysis on the relationship between Western neocolonialism and its affect on the shaping of Malawian national identity, as exampled by Malawi's social studies program. This study will therefore contribute to existing literature regarding the role of social studies education and the construction of national identity as well as the impact the West has on the maintenance of African national identity. Using semi-structured interviews with ten practicing primary school social studies teachers and one social studies curriculum specialist in the Domasi district, Southern Region of Malawi, I found that Malawi's social studies currciulum is promoting Malawian national identity as perceived by the interviewees. However, the interviewees illuminated contextual factors that hinder the implementation of the new curriculum. / Master of Science

No / No abstract

The global aim of this research is to postulate a spatial development paradigm for regional integration in developing countries - more specifically, the research prospects to conceptualize form-based spatial planning theory for Africa. This was considered necessary on two grounds: first, the need for spatial regional integration as panacea for economic growth, and second the resilience of formal planning in the context of a neo-liberal paradigm shift in planning for economic growth. The research in essence strives to reconsider formal planning in an attempt to articulate an appropriate planning paradigm for the delivery of spatial regional integration within spatial systems in developing economies. In view of the foregoing the resilience of form-based planning paradigm informs the research. Hence the research sets out with the null hypothesis that form-based planning attributes are not significantly resilient in the perception of planning initiatives in the African context. The research methodology involved a relevant literature survey vis-à-vis theoretical and analytical frameworks as well as desktop case studies of selected country profiles and planning initiatives and then an empirical case study of integrated development planning (IDP) initiatives in South Africa. Following six sets of analysis, the research established compliance with a neo-liberal planning paradigm in Africa; however, it disproved the null hypothesis. The neo-liberal planning initiatives were found to be unable to deliver integrated development. Thus a change in development ideology to neo-mercantilism is recommended as a strategic move to redirect attention from private profitability to nation-building vis-à-vis spatial integration. Neo-mercantilism is therefore deployed as thinking instrument for a neo-mercantile planning paradigm postulated to deliver spatial regional integration in developing economies. The neo-mercantile planning paradigm which seeks spatio-physical bases of integration adopts integrated planning operationalized with spatial integration plans (SIPs) and thematic integration plans (TIPs) instruments. These instruments are designed to establish spatial integration networks. The networking of the spatial systems requires the grading of infrastructure and the classification of cities. While administrative criteria are used to determine the former, the latter is proposed to be conducted with a “Time-efficient” coefficient, an innovative unit with which “Time-efficient effect” of cities as centres of commerce can be measured. This coefficient contributes to the growth of regional development theories from a spatio-physical perspective. Furthermore, the research contributes a neo-mercantile spatial model for urban region development. The modality of applying the new paradigm in Africa is modelled to integrate the status quo given requisite visionary mind-set and abundant political will. The model adopts the sequence of securing a neo-mercantile planning paradigm, followed by the identification of priority problems, the articulation of a vision statement and then objectives set to achieve spatial regional integration. Present actions were assessed and new action cards proposed, based on priorities for action drawn from priority problems in Africa. The proposed action cards were regrouped into a typology of actions to aid implementation strategies. The strategies made provision for institutional requirements and implementation processes, manpower requirements, financial mechanisms, legal reforms and monitoring measures. The implementation process summarized with a calendar of the action plan for spatial regional integration in Africa. / PhD (Urban and Regional Planning), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The global aim of this research is to postulate a spatial development paradigm for regional integration in developing countries - more specifically, the research prospects to conceptualize form-based spatial planning theory for Africa. This was considered necessary on two grounds: first, the need for spatial regional integration as panacea for economic growth, and second the resilience of formal planning in the context of a neo-liberal paradigm shift in planning for economic growth. The research in essence strives to reconsider formal planning in an attempt to articulate an appropriate planning paradigm for the delivery of spatial regional integration within spatial systems in developing economies. In view of the foregoing the resilience of form-based planning paradigm informs the research. Hence the research sets out with the null hypothesis that form-based planning attributes are not significantly resilient in the perception of planning initiatives in the African context. The research methodology involved a relevant literature survey vis-à-vis theoretical and analytical frameworks as well as desktop case studies of selected country profiles and planning initiatives and then an empirical case study of integrated development planning (IDP) initiatives in South Africa. Following six sets of analysis, the research established compliance with a neo-liberal planning paradigm in Africa; however, it disproved the null hypothesis. The neo-liberal planning initiatives were found to be unable to deliver integrated development. Thus a change in development ideology to neo-mercantilism is recommended as a strategic move to redirect attention from private profitability to nation-building vis-à-vis spatial integration. Neo-mercantilism is therefore deployed as thinking instrument for a neo-mercantile planning paradigm postulated to deliver spatial regional integration in developing economies. The neo-mercantile planning paradigm which seeks spatio-physical bases of integration adopts integrated planning operationalized with spatial integration plans (SIPs) and thematic integration plans (TIPs) instruments. These instruments are designed to establish spatial integration networks. The networking of the spatial systems requires the grading of infrastructure and the classification of cities. While administrative criteria are used to determine the former, the latter is proposed to be conducted with a “Time-efficient” coefficient, an innovative unit with which “Time-efficient effect” of cities as centres of commerce can be measured. This coefficient contributes to the growth of regional development theories from a spatio-physical perspective. Furthermore, the research contributes a neo-mercantile spatial model for urban region development. The modality of applying the new paradigm in Africa is modelled to integrate the status quo given requisite visionary mind-set and abundant political will. The model adopts the sequence of securing a neo-mercantile planning paradigm, followed by the identification of priority problems, the articulation of a vision statement and then objectives set to achieve spatial regional integration. Present actions were assessed and new action cards proposed, based on priorities for action drawn from priority problems in Africa. The proposed action cards were regrouped into a typology of actions to aid implementation strategies. The strategies made provision for institutional requirements and implementation processes, manpower requirements, financial mechanisms, legal reforms and monitoring measures. The implementation process summarized with a calendar of the action plan for spatial regional integration in Africa. / PhD (Urban and Regional Planning), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Cette thèse présente des généralisations u groupe néo-riemannien PLR, que agit sur l'ensemble des 24 triades majeures et mineures. Le travail commence par une reconstruction de l'histoire de Tonnetz, un graphe associé aux trois transformations qui génèrent le groupe PLR. La thèse présente deux généralisations du groupe PLR pour les accords de septième. Le premier agit sur le tournage des septièmes de dominantes, mineure, semi-diminuée, majeure et diminuée, le second comprend également la septième mineure majeur, majeure augmenté, l'augmentée et la septième dedominante bémol. Nous avons également classé les transformations les plus parcimonieuses parmi les 4 triades (majeure, mineure, augmentée et diminuée) et avons étudié le groupe généré par celles-ci. Enfin, nous avons introduit une approche générale permettant de définir des opérations parcimonieuses entre les accords de septième et de triade, mais aussi les opérations déjà connues entre triades et celles entre septièmes. / This thesis presents a generalizations of the neo-Riemannian PLR-group, that acts on the set of 24 major and minor triads. The work begins with a reconstruction on the history of the Tonnetz, a graph associated with the three transformations that generate the PLR-group. The thesis presents two generalizations of the PLR-group for seventh chords. The first one acts on the set of dominant, minor, semi-diminished, major and diminished sevenths, the second one also includes minor major, augmented major, augmented, dominant seventh flat five. We considered the most parsimonious operations exchanging two types of sevenths, moving a single note by a semitone or a whole tone. We also classified the most parsimonious transformations among the 4 types of triads (major, minor,augmented and diminished) and studied the group generated by them. Finally, we have introduced a general approach to define parsimonious operations between sevenths and triads, but also the operations already known between triads and those between sevenths.

Avaliamos neste estudo as expressões da ciclina D1 e da proteína p21, pela técnica de Imuno-histoquímica, para detectar a presença destas proteínas nos núcleos das células do câncer de mama localmente avançado, com o objetivo de correlacionar a concentração destas proteínas com aresposta preditiva ao tratamento quimioterápico neo-adjuvante, utilizandoo esquema docetaxel associado à epirrubicina. A avaliação foi feita previamente e após a realização da quimioterapia neo-adjuvante. A avaliação pré-quimioterápica teve a finalidade de estabelecer um papel preditivo quanto à resposta ao tratamento primário. A avaliação pós-quimioterápica teve a finalidade de explorar a relação entre a persistência da proteína com intervalo livre de doença e sobrevida global. Foram selecionados 72 casos de 162 tumores localmente avançados de mama atendidos no período de janeiro de 1998 a dezembro de 2005, tratados por quimioterapia primária no Ambulatório de Mastologiado Hospital das Clínicas de Ribeirão Preto. Conclusão: a ciclina D1 está relacionada com tumores menores, bem diferenciados e hormônio-sensíveis. Já a proteína p21 está relaciona a tumores pequenos, com estádios iniciais menores, de baixo grau histológico e hormônio-sensíveis. A expressão da ciclina D1 no tumor pré-tratamento quimioterápico não foi capaz de predizer resposta à quimioterapia neo-adjuvante. No entanto, a presença da ciclina D1 e no tumor residual e da p21tanto no tumor pré-tratamento quanto no tumor residual, sugerem melhora no intervalo livre de doença e na sobrevida global. / We evaluate in this study the expressions of the cyclin D1 and the protein p21, with the technique of Immunohistochemistry, todetect the presence of these proteins in the cells of the local advanced breast cancer. The objective was correlate the concentration of these proteins with predictive response to the neo-adjuvant chemotherapy, using docetaxel associated with epirrubicina. The evaluation was performed before and after the neo-adjuvant chemotherapy. The evaluation before the neo-adjuvant treatment had the purpose to establish a predictive value of these proteins with primary treatment response. The evaluations after neo-adjuvant treatment had the purpose to explore the relation between the persistence of these proteins with disease-free survival and overall survival. We selected 72 of 162 cases of local advanced breast cancer who had treated for primary chemotherapy in Hospital das Clínicas de Ribeirão Preto in the period of January of 1998 to December of 2005. Conclusion: Our study concluded that the cyclin D1 is related with small tumors and well differentiated and hormone-sensitive tumors. The protein p21 is relates with small tumors, initial stage tumors, low grade tumors and hormone-sensitive tumors. The expression of cyclin D1 in the tumor before the treatment failed to predict response to the neo-adjuvant chemotherapy. However, the presence of the cyclin D1 in the residual tumor andthe protein p21 before the treatment and in the residual tumors suggest improvement in the disease- free survival and overall survival.

Partindo das narrativas de ficção Galo cantou na baía (1936), de Manuel Lopes, e Um ladrão (1939), de Graciliano Ramos, buscamos investigar as estratégias discursivas dos autores de nosso corpus quando da tentativa de se mobilizar em favor das populações que viviam em condições de extrema carência, tendo na literatura um forte meio de promover os debates urgentes daquele momento histórico, caracterizado pela opressão de regimes ditatoriais. Desta maneira, a perspectiva narrativa é um dos pontos centrais do trabalho. Em confluência com a fatia social retratada nos contos, pareceu-nos fundamental o debate sobre a fome e seus efeitos para o organismo humano, que findou por dirigir nosso trabalho. Encontramos na obra de Josué de Castro uma rica pesquisa capaz de conduzir nossas análises, levando-nos da condição de faminto dos personagens a seu desdobramento: a condição de criminoso principiante. Buscamos analisar, também, as construções ideológicas que influenciavam as consciências naquele período da história, encontrando em Louis Althusser os subsídios para tal análise. / Based on the narratives of fiction Galo cantou na baía (Rooster crowed at the bay) (1936), of Manuel Lopez, and Um ladrão (A thief) (1939), of Graciliano Ramos, we attempted to investigate the discursive strategies of the authors of our corpus, trying a mobilization in the benefit of the people living in extreme deprivation situation, taking the literature as a strong tool to promote urgent debates on that historical moment, characterized by the oppression of dictatorial regimes. Being so, the narrative perspective is one of the central points of this/our work. In confluence with the social share portrayed in the stories, it seemed crucial the debate on hunger and its effects on the human body, which turned out to direct our work.We find in the work of Josué de Castro a rich research capable of conducting our analysis, leading us from the starving condition of the characters to their deployment: the condition of a debut criminal. We also sought to analyze the ideological patterns which influenced the consciousness of that period of the History, getting from Louis Althusser subsidies for such analysis.

A intervenção do Estado na economia como produtor direto de bens e serviços foi por longo período uma estratégia comum adotada tanto por países desenvolvidos como subdesenvolvidos. Entretanto, em conseqüência da crise econômica mundial do fim dos anos setenta e inicio dos oitenta os mesmos países passaram a reconsiderar este tipo de intervenção. Neste momento, a privatização foi colocada na agenda política como parte de uma ampla estratégia desenhada para reduzir escopo da ação estatal, ajustar sua capacidade fiscal, e melhorar o desempenho das empresas conferindo-lhes maior autonomia. A despeito das pressões comuns que favoreceram a adoção da privatização por diferentes governos e países, seu timing, escopo e formato variaram significativamente. Esta constatação levou ao deslocamento do foco analítico dos argumentos puramente técnicos e econômicos para um conjunto de variáveis que procuram capturar as diferenças entre o arranjo institucional do sistema político, em cada país, que colaboraram para esta variação, bem como para explicar as diferentes estratégias perseguidas pelos principais atores envolvidos frente à privatização em cada contexto institucional. Apesar do avanço representado por esta abordagem, pouca atenção tem sido devotada ao exame da influência do sistema de intermediação de interesse na explicação da variação entre os programas de privatização. O objetivo deste trabalho foi discutir a influência ou o impacto do sistema político e de intermediação de interesse sobre a privatização do setor de telecomunicações em três dos maiores países da América Latina, México, Argentina e Brasil, e dois da Europa França e Inglaterra. A principal conclusão é que apesar das pressões convergentes comuns observadas que levaram todos os cinco governos a adotar, em alguma medida, a privatização, esta variou significativamente de país para país, o que pode ser explicado pelas diferenças nessas duas arenas mencionadas e pela preferência dos principais atores envolvidos no processo. Em sistemas políticos onde o poder Executivo é mais concentrado como México, Argentina os governos foram capazes de privatizar o suas estatais em um tempo exíguo ou de forma pioneira como fez a Inglaterra, e independente da oposição. Em sistemas políticos onde o poder é mais dividido e onde a Constituição impingiu a formação de uma supermaioria para realização das reformas, como no Brasil e na França, os governos encontraram mais dificuldade para privatizar, fazendo-o somente no fim da década de 1990 e, no caso da França, mantendo o Estado como acionista principal. / State intervention in the economy as a direct producer of goods and services has for a long time been a common strategy adopted by both developed and underdeveloped countries. However, as a result of the global economic crisis of the late 1970s and early 1980s, the same countries began to reconsider this type of intervention. At the moment, privatization has been placed on the political agenda as part of a broad strategy designed to reduce the scope of state action, adjust its fiscal capacity, and improve corporate performance by giving them greater autonomy. In spite of the common pressures that favored the adoption of privatization by different governments and countries, their timing, scope and format varied significantly. This finding led to the displacement of the analytical focus from purely technical and economic arguments to a set of variables that seek to capture the differences between the institutional arrangements of the political system in each country that contributed to this variation and to explain the different strategies pursued the main actors involved in privatization in each institutional context. Despite the advancement represented by this approach, little attention has been devoted to examining the influence of the intermediation system of interest in explaining the variation between privatization programs. The objective of this work was to discuss the influence or impact of the political system and intermediation of interest on the privatization of the telecommunications sector in three of the largest countries in Latin America, Mexico, Argentina and Brazil, and two in Europe France and England. The main conclusion is that in spite of the common converging pressures observed that led all five governments to adopt privatization in some measure, this has varied significantly from country to country, which can be explained by the differences in these two arenas mentioned and the preference of main actors involved in the process. In political systems where the executive power is more concentrated like Mexico, Argentina governments were able to privatize their state-owned companies in a short time or in a pioneering way as England did, and independent of the opposition. In political systems where power is more divided and where the constitution has imposed the formation of a \"supermajority\" for the realization of reforms, as in Brazil and France, governments have found it more difficult to privatize, only in the late 1990s. 1990, and in the case of France, maintaining the State as the main shareholder.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alice Julio Alves de Almeida.pdf: 841661 bytes, checksum: 6607ee37e96229f34b7ee3a1f2e38cbd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-11 / The dissertation analyzes the proposed National Industrial Policy, formulated at the beginning of sec. XXI: the Industrial Policy, Technological and External Trade (PITCE) - 2003- 2008 - and the Productive Development Policy (PDP) 2008-2010. The central objective is to verify if the industrial policies elaborated during this period were able to internalize the key variables to incentive innovation Theory of Neo-Schumpeterian, from the incorporation of the concept of innovation and its dynamics for the economy. To this end, the study is organized in order to: identify the fundamentals related to incentive of innovation present in Neo- Schumpeterian (Evolutionary) Theory and its implications for the formulation of function of industrial policy, list the most significant changes in relation to the grounding of brazilian industrial policy, and finally analyze the instruments, actions and mechanisms developed by PITCE and PDP, and the ability of each to internalize such fundamentals for the development and technological innovation / A Dissertação analisa as propostas de Política Industrial Nacional, formuladas no início do sec. XXI: a Política Industrial, Tecnológica e de Comércio Exterior (PITCE) vigorada entre 2003 e 2008 e, a Política de Desenvolvimento Produtivo (PDP) vigorada entre 2008 e 2010. O objetivo central é verificar se as políticas industriais elaboradas durante este período, foram capazes de internalizar as variáveis chaves de incentivo à inovação da Teoria Neo- Schumpeteriana, a partir da incorporação do conceito de inovação e sua dinâmica para a economia. Para tal, o estudo será organizado de forma a: identificar os principais fundamentos relacionados ao estímulo da inovação presentes na Teoria Neo-Schumpeteriana (Evolucionista) e suas implicações para formulação e função da Política Industrial, enumerar as alterações mais significativas em relação à fundamentação da PI brasileira, e, finalmente analisar os instrumentos, ações e mecanismos elaborados pela PITCE e PDP e a capacidade de cada uma em internalizar tais fundamentos para o desenvolvimento e inovação tecnológica

Cette thèse illustre l'émergence d'un Nouveau Management Humanitaire. La recherche en contrôle a montré que le champ de l'aide humanitaire s'est profondément transformé en se structurant autour d'une «chaîne de l'aide» imbriquant des bailleurs internationaux, des ONG internationales mais également de petites ONG situées dans les pays bénéficiaires ; cette même littérature en contrôle a montré que la gestion des ONG est fortement influencée par la relation que ces dernières entretiennent avec les bailleurs internationaux. L'objectif de notre thèse est de contribuer à cette littérature en analysant le rôle et l'influence des dispositifs de contrôle dans la transformation du champ humanitaire. Pour analyser ces transformations, nous proposons le concept de régime de contrôle, défini comme la combinaison d'un système d'accountability, d'un modèle de performance et d'un ensemble cohérent de normes et de valeurs. Pour répondre à cette problématique, notre travail de terrain a constitué en deux immersions ethnographiques, l'une chez Handicap International (HI), l'autre chez Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). Nous montrons que le système d'accountability de Hl sert à «rendre des comptes» aux bailleurs alors que celui de MSF incite les sans-frontiéristes à se « sentir responsables». Le modèle de performance de HI repose sur des systèmes de contrôle centralisés, favorisant la notion d'efficience humanitaire, alors que les caractéristiques du modèle de performance de MSF reflètent une responsabilité budgétaire collective et une prise de risque tolérée. Quant aux normes et valeurs, celles de Hl signalent un processus de managérialisation de l'ONG, matérialisé par le recrutement de « néo-managers humanitaires», alors que les normes et les valeurs élitistes de MSF favorisent l'émergence d'un «néo-entrepreneur humanitaire». Si MSF parvient à adopter un modèle alternatif, c'est parce que l'ONG a su s'affranchir des bailleurs, afficher une forte légitimité auprès de ses parties prenantes externes tout en maintenant des normes et des mécanismes d'accountability interne prégnants. Le cas MSF, en illustrant une organisation alternative au schéma traditionnel de la managérialisation de l'humanitaire, permet de montrer que cette évolution n'est pas inéluctable. / This thesis illustrates the emergence of a "New Humanitarian Management". The field of humanitarian aid has undergone a sound transformation by structuring itself around a "chain of aid" involving international donors, international NGOs as well as small country-based-NGOs. Management Control research has shown that NGOs' management is strongly influenced by their relationship with international donors. The objective of our research is to contribute to this literature by analysing the role and influence of monitoring mechanisms in transforming the humanitarian field. To analyse these transformations, we propose the concept of a control regime, defined as the combination of an accountability system, a performance model and a coherent set of standards and values. Our fieldwork consisted of two ethnographic immersions within Handicap International and then within Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF). We show that Handicap's accountability system is used to "report/ give accounts" to donors, while MSF's accountability system encourages MSF members to "feel responsible". Handicap's performance model is based on centralised control systems, promoting the notion of a humanitarian efficiency, while the characteristics of MSF's performance model reflect a collective budgetary responsibility and tolerated risk-taking. As for norms and values, Handicap's norms and values signal a process of managerialization of the NGO, materialized by the recruitment of humanitarian neo-managers, while MSF's elitist norms and values allow the emergence of a humanitarian neo-entrepreneur. MSF has managed to adopt an alternative model because the NGO has been able to free itself from donors and display strong legitimacy with its external stakeholders white maintaining strong internal standards and accountability mechanisms. The MSF case, illustrating an alternative organization to the humanitarian managerialised model, shows that the managerialization of the humanitarian field is not inevitable.