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Background: The tourism industry plays a crucial role in the global economy in developing countries such as Nicaragua, where it catalyzes development. Risk perception, safety considerations, user-generated content, and destination image significantly influence travel decision-making processes.    Purpose: The primary purpose of this thesis is to explore the intricate relationship between online travel planning, safety perceptions, and consumer behaviors in unexplored Central American destinations, with Nicaragua as a focal point.   Method: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 participants. 11 participants visited Nicaragua, and four residents within the tourism sector were interviewed for a broader overview of the tourism situation in the country of investigation. An inductive approach was used to conduct a qualitative analysis, followed by a thematic examination of the primary data.   Conclusion: This thesis illuminates the intricate relationship between online information, safety perceptions, and consumer behaviors in travel decision-making. By uncovering the significant impact of online travel planning platforms, visual communication, and UGC on shaping travelers' safety perceptions in Nicaragua, the study offers actionable recommendations to support the sustainable development of the country's tourism sector.

Presidents of the United States and other American policymakers have throughout history cited democracy promotion as one of the chief goals of American foreign policy, and the current administration of George W. Bush has been no exception. However, and notwithstanding the habitual endorsement of this objective by US administrations, the subject of democracy promotion has received relatively little academic attention. This study aims to correct this gap in the literature by considering two questions relating to United States democracy promotion. First, have the efforts of the US to spread democracy to other countries met with success? Second, is promoting democracy truly a priority of American policymakers, or is it rather window dressing cynically aimed at winning public and congressional support for foreign policy? I begin by defining the terms democracy and democracy promotion. I then use three recent case studies to answer the two questions outlined above, the first of which focuses on President Reagan’s policy towards Nicaragua. In the second case study I consider President Clinton’s policy towards Haiti, while the third deals with President George W. Bush’s policy towards Colombia. The evidence I present points to the conclusion that the United States has not been successful in its efforts to promote democracy in other countries, and that spreading democracy abroad is at best a secondary goal of American foreign policy. The evidence presented in the thesis also demonstrates the utility of foreign policy analysis-based approaches to the study of international relations.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-08-29T11:33:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Júlia Alves Garcia Montero.pdf: 5192514 bytes, checksum: 7d38eae0fd495448df4ad8b63cb80da2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-29T11:33:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Júlia Alves Garcia Montero.pdf: 5192514 bytes, checksum: 7d38eae0fd495448df4ad8b63cb80da2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-09 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The present work analyzes two alphabetization programs that took place in Latin America: National Literacy Crusade "Heroes and Martyrs for the Liberation of Nicaragua" (CNA), held in Nicaragua in 1980, and the Youth and Adult Alphabetization Movement of São Paulo (MOVA-SP), carried out between the years of 1989 and 1992, in São Paulo, both organized based on the ideas of Paulo Freire, counting also with his direct participation. We have studied how, and if, the theme of feminism appears in the official documents of both programs, and whether the presence of this theme in these documents is due to the existence or not of a movement - or organization - of women in the country with the vanguard character, as Marta Harnecker conceptualizes. The concepts of gender, patriarchy and sexual division of labor, coined by authors such as Heleieth Saffioti, Carole Pateman, Iris Young, Danièle Kergoat, among others, were the theoretical basis of the present study. The research was conducted through documentary analysis. We studied official documents (political-pedagogical project, booklets, among others) of the two programs and analyzed a) if the subject of gender relations appeared; b) whether this appearance reinforced or questioned patriarchal gender relations; c) how it appeared, whether directly, indirectly, and in what context. We were able to conclude that the Nicaraguan documents have a greater presence of the theme, and that this is due to a more organized and centralized women's movement that, unlike the São Paulo movement - then fragmented and with a predominantly institutionalized activism - directly influenced alphabetization in the country. We do not affirm this, however, without reservations, since in both programs feminism appears as a very specific "subject", which reveals a difficulty in dealing with the theme of feminism transversally and even a theoretical difficulty in relation to it / O presente trabalho analisa dois programas de alfabetização que ocorreram na América Latina: A Cruzada Nacional de Alfabetização “Heróis e Mártires pela Libertação da Nicarágua” (CNA), realizada em 1980 na Nicarágua, e o Movimento de Alfabetização de Jovens e Adultos de São Paulo (MOVA-SP), realizado entre os anos de 1989 e 1992, em São Paulo, ambos organizado com base nas ideias de Paulo Freire, contando inclusive com sua participação direta. Estudamos como, e se, o tema do feminismo aparece nos documentos oficiais de ambos os programas, e se a presença ou não deste tema em ditos documentos deve-se à existência ou não de um movimento - ou uma organização - de mulheres no país com o caráter de vanguarda, como conceitua Marta Harnecker. Tivemos como base teórica do presente trabalho os conceitos de gênero, patriarcado e divisão sexual do trabalho, cunhados, respectivamente, por autoras como Heleieth Saffioti, Carole Pateman, Iris Young, Danièle Kergoat, entre outras. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio da análise documental. Estudamos documentos oficiais (projeto político-pedagógico, cartilhas, entre outros) dos dois programas, e analisamos a) se o tema das relações de gênero aparecia; b) se essa aparição reforçava ou questionava as relações patriarcais de gênero; c) como ele aparecia, se de forma direta, indireta, e em que contexto. Pudemos concluir que os documentos nicaraguenses têm uma presença maior do tema, e que isso se deve a um movimento de mulheres mais organizado e centralizado que, ao contrário do movimento paulistano - então fragmentado e com uma atuação majoritariamente institucionalizada -, influenciou diretamente a alfabetização no país. Não afirmamos isso, no entanto, sem ressalvas, uma vez que em ambos os programas o feminismo aparece como um “tema” bem específico, o que revela uma dificuldade de transversalização do feminismo e mesmo uma dificuldade teórica com relação a ele

The duality of the United States’ relationship with international criminal law and human rights atrocities is a fascinating theme that weaves through all of American history, but most distinctly demonstrates the contradictory nature of American foreign policy in the latter half of the 20th century. America is both protector of human rights and perpetrator of human rights atrocities, global police force and aggressor. The Cold War exacerbated the tensions caused by American military dominance. The international political and physical power of the American military allowed the United States to do as it pleased in the 20th century with few consequences, but that power also brought watchfulness from the global community and an expectation that the United States would intervene when rogue states or leaders committed crimes against humanity. The international legal community has expected the United States to act and illegally intervene in some situations, but to pursue policy changes peacefully through diplomatic channels on other occasions.

本文的目的是了解和分析台灣與中美洲貿易、經濟和政治方面的關係，並將它們與不斷增長的中國的存在和影響力的地理區域比較。它也試圖對總統陳水扁和馬英九所追求的走向盟國外交作一個比較。 / This thesis aims to understand and analyze trade, economic and political aspects of the Taiwanese relationship with Central America, and compare them with the growing Chinese presence and influence in that geographic area. It also attempts to make a comparison between the diplomacy toward allied countries pursued by presidents Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou. Taiwan has had to cope with China’s rise, a major geopolitical event of the twenty-first century. The expansion of the Chinese economy is reflected in an increased trade exchange with Latin America. Central America has not been an exception. The PRC has become a major trade partner for several Central American economies, surpassing commerce ties between them and Taiwan. This paper also states that the so-called “diplomatic truce” called for by President Ma has been working so far, as Beijing has not tried to “steal” more Taiwanese allies since 2008, and the ROC has not tried to lure new friends to its camp.

Despite the benefits of antiretroviral therapy in treating HIV/AIDS, government responses have varied substantially, from provisions guaranteeing nearly universal access to insufficient provisions providing almost no access. This research seeks to specifically examine primary explanations, such as economic capacity, and emerging explanations, such as the role of electoral accountability and the presence of stigma, and the coordination between the epistemic community and political leadership as potential causes for the variance in the government provision. By controlling for state economic capacity, this research furthers the importance of examining other explanations for state response in light of a public health crisis. While electoral accountability and the role of stigma had marginal impacts, the level of scientific coordination and understanding among the states political leadership had perceptible impacts. This research also tests broader aspects of the political economy such as the role of state capacity and subsequent government crisis response.