<p>Organisations are by nature, dynamic entities that continuously undergo transformation in response to both internal and external pressures, which are imposed on them (Robbins, Odendaal &amp / Roodt, 2003). Government departments are by no means immune to these changes, which pose challenges that affect their service delivery. During periods of fundamental transformation, individuals typically experience changes in their levels of organisational commitment, which impacts on effective and efficient service delivery. Organisational commitment as an area of research is one of the factors that could lead to greater morale, strong organisational climate, motivation and productivity in many organisations facing transformation (Salami, 2008). The aim of this study was to investigate the level of organisational commitment after a transformation process at a Provincial Government Department. Recent organisational transformations (both in the private and public sector) have included the redrawing of divisional boundaries, flattening of hierarchic levels, spreading of spans of control, revising compensation, streamlining processes and reforming governance (Ndlovu &amp / Brijball Parusumar, 2005). The results of the research indicate that employees are moderately committed to the organisation. Statistically significant relationships were found between the dimensions of organisational commitment, except for affective commitment and total commitment which were not significant.&nbsp / Furthermore, results indicate that statistically significant differences exist based on the biographical characteristics (namely, gender, race, tenure, marital status, age and job level) but these characteristics do not significantly explain the variance in organisational commitment for this organisation. A limitation of the research is that the sampling composition and research design preclude the results of this study being generalised to other organisations and it is recommended that a stratified random sampling design be utilised for future research.</p>

Syfte: Syftet med denna studie är att belysa hur företag kan använda normativ styrning för att styra självgående medarbetare. För att uppnå detta syfte studeras självgående medarbetare inom revisionsbranschen. Metod: Studien är av kvalitativ art med semistrukturerade intervjuer där vi utgår från ett hermeneutiskt tolkningssätt. Intervjuerna utfördes i november 2013 och spelades in så att vi noggrant kunnat analysera aktörernas svar. Resultat och slutsats: Syftet med denna studie är att skapa förståelse för hur normativ styrning kan användas och det har påvisats att det finns en del gemensamma mönster när det gäller rekrytering, identitet och kultur. Vi fann tydliga gemensamma värderingar och normer inom varje företag, både uttalade och outtalade. De tydligaste gemensamma värderingar och normer som förekommer är inriktning på företaget, viktiga personliga egenskaper, klädkod, samt hur aktörerna bör agera inom företaget. Studien har även identifierat vissa mönster när det gäller den mer övervakande delen. Det har visat sig att varje aktör inom företaget är styrda av regelverk, aktörerna hade dock inte reflekterat vidare mycket över om det skett någon styrning genom kontroll av arbetet.

This study aims to examine the EU’s normative power through the Common Commercial Policy (CCP) before and after the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force. The study is a comparative study and was carried out through a document study of official documents and treaties. To pursue the aim the following questions were asked: What are the differences and similarities within the EU's common trade policy before and after the introduction of the Treaty of Lisbon and does the Treaty of Lisbon increased the normative ambition of the EU?   In this study Ian Manners theory Normative Power Europe has been categorized into direct normative actions and indirect normative actions. The empirical material is based on literature, primary document, Official Journal of the European Union and EU: s webpage.   The conclusions of this study show that the Treaty of Lisbon has changed the constitutional basis for the common commercial policy in several ways. The CCP has more room after the Treaty of Lisbon to develop and take on direct normative actions. The major difference is that the CCP now endorse all the Union’s objectives, principles and values which give the CCP more opportunities to set normative requirements and gain normative power.

The current legal framework pertaining to animals does not sufficiently address the welfare of animals. The Animal Protection Act 71 of 1962 does not specifically regulate the welfare of animals contained in research laboratories. Animals utilized for experimental research purposes endure tremendous “unnecessary suffering” due to legislative inaptitude. Experimental animals suffer inherent abuses associated with experimental research because of the methods, procedures and processes relevant to the experiments. The most controversial method of experimental research is vivisection. The method of vivisection is not only invasive but also causes “unnecessary suffering” to animals. The non-inherent abuses animals suffer during confinement in a laboratory solely relates to uncontrolled and unregulated conduct of staff. Continuing the application of the current legislative framework may also be detrimental to the health and well-being of humans. Animals are specifically utilized as objects of science in research laboratories. The data obtained from research experiments conducted on animals are for the benefit of humankind rather than the animals. Scientific research concluded that not only are invasive methods of research conducted on live animals generally regarded as useless but extrapolating data from animals to humans can also be misleading, unnecessary and dangerous. False results and questionable methodologies are some of the other problems that seem to require urgent attention. Ethically, neither human nor animal should be utilized at the expense of the other and therefore it would be reasonable to recommend that legislative reform takes place. The human perception of animals in terms of the relationship we have with them is the reason why legislative inaptitude in terms of animal welfare exists. The current approach followed is the philosophy of Utilitarianism. Utilitarians believe that neither humans nor animals have rights but interests. Utilitarianism focuses on the permissibility of an act (the use of animals) by weighing the benefits of such an act to the costs suffered because of such act. If the benefits outweigh the costs suffered, the act is permissible. The application of Utilitarianism seems to be the crux of our legislative inaptitude. The human perception and view of animals must therefore be re-directed to develop a sufficient legal framework in terms of animal welfare. A solution offered is to apply an alternative interpretation to the concept of “dignity” (capabilities approach) and progressive realisation. In terms of this solution a species capabilities in terms of its value, capabilities and worth are considered. Inherent to its value, capabilities and worth, is its “dignity”. Once the alternative interpretation of “dignity” is acknowledged, the progressive realisation of its interests can be achieved. / Thesis (LLM)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

The current legal framework pertaining to animals does not sufficiently address the welfare of animals. The Animal Protection Act 71 of 1962 does not specifically regulate the welfare of animals contained in research laboratories. Animals utilized for experimental research purposes endure tremendous “unnecessary suffering” due to legislative inaptitude. Experimental animals suffer inherent abuses associated with experimental research because of the methods, procedures and processes relevant to the experiments. The most controversial method of experimental research is vivisection. The method of vivisection is not only invasive but also causes “unnecessary suffering” to animals. The non-inherent abuses animals suffer during confinement in a laboratory solely relates to uncontrolled and unregulated conduct of staff. Continuing the application of the current legislative framework may also be detrimental to the health and well-being of humans. Animals are specifically utilized as objects of science in research laboratories. The data obtained from research experiments conducted on animals are for the benefit of humankind rather than the animals. Scientific research concluded that not only are invasive methods of research conducted on live animals generally regarded as useless but extrapolating data from animals to humans can also be misleading, unnecessary and dangerous. False results and questionable methodologies are some of the other problems that seem to require urgent attention. Ethically, neither human nor animal should be utilized at the expense of the other and therefore it would be reasonable to recommend that legislative reform takes place. The human perception of animals in terms of the relationship we have with them is the reason why legislative inaptitude in terms of animal welfare exists. The current approach followed is the philosophy of Utilitarianism. Utilitarians believe that neither humans nor animals have rights but interests. Utilitarianism focuses on the permissibility of an act (the use of animals) by weighing the benefits of such an act to the costs suffered because of such act. If the benefits outweigh the costs suffered, the act is permissible. The application of Utilitarianism seems to be the crux of our legislative inaptitude. The human perception and view of animals must therefore be re-directed to develop a sufficient legal framework in terms of animal welfare. A solution offered is to apply an alternative interpretation to the concept of “dignity” (capabilities approach) and progressive realisation. In terms of this solution a species capabilities in terms of its value, capabilities and worth are considered. Inherent to its value, capabilities and worth, is its “dignity”. Once the alternative interpretation of “dignity” is acknowledged, the progressive realisation of its interests can be achieved. / Thesis (LLM)--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2013

Increased immigrant movement from conflict stricken areas to the liberal west, has led to challenges involving increasing multicultural group claims on the liberal democratic state, leading to the destabilization of its foundation. The conflict lay in the opposing world views culturally, ethnically and religiously that the new citizens have, seeing the “group” first and foremost whereas the individual in western democracy has always been seen as the principal rights recipient. The purpose of this study has been to examine the challenges multicultural group claims from immigrants have had on the liberal democratic state on a theoretical level and what possible approaches that should be used to resolve this challenge from the standpoint of the liberal democratic state. To answer this on a theoretical level the study uses a qualitative text analysis of three acclaimed political philosophers on the subject, the communitarian Charles Taylor, the egalitarian liberal philosopher Brian Barry and the liberal philosopher Will Kymlicka whom takes a middle ground on the subject of multicultural group rights.   The results show us that though the three philosophers have different outlooks on the grounds of their opinion on group rights and claims, in the case of immigrants they agree to a large extent. They agree that, whilst the liberal democratic state and the immigrants both wish for complete integration as citizens, the liberal democratic state will treat immigrants the same as the majority, as individual rights recipients. All this whilst making required efforts for the simplification of the integration process. That is why acceptance of certain multicultural rights regarding food, culture, traditions and language in the “private” sphere as well as certain exceptions in the “official” sphere can be accepted, as long as they adhere to the liberal democratic framework of free association, whilst normative multicultural group claims cannot.  So we find that a communitarian philosophy which encourages multicultural group claims actually does agree that the liberal democratic state’s current approach in the case of immigrants is enough.

The title enlightens the difficulties of democratic transition that Cambodia experiences post Khmer Rouge. Media in transitional democracies is often described as a forced compromise between what is ideal and what is actually possible. This thesis aims to understand how political agency and technological advances have affected journalistic agency in a transitional democracy. Three research questions were decided upon: How do journalists in Cambodia perceive their role in a democratic transition? What restrictions and limitations do journalistic practices face in Cambodia? And how do journalists in Cambodia perceive the impact of social media on democratic development? A field study was conducted in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. For ten weeks, eight editors and journalists currently active in Cambodia were interviewed and observed in their working environment. Normative media theory and developmental democracy theory have been used to analyze and understand the material that was generated through a combination of unstructured observations and semi-structured qualitative research interviews. Important findings were that the complicated structures of transitional democracies make journalists take on different roles, from very collaborative to extremely radical. Their different stand on journalistic practices is a mixture of their own choice and the force of historical, political and social constraints. Political power players treat them differently, which further separates them and has led to a segregated journalistic community. Even though they seem to share the same fundamental ideal of what journalism should be journalists are therefor unlikely to cooperate. Social media has been a catalyst for change in democratic development in Cambodia. By offering a place for uncensored conversations it has given the opposition access to media. Social media has brought along many new dilemmas though and is probably more beneficial to journalistic development than to democratic development. There is a lack of tolerance of diversity in Cambodia due to the fragile state of democratic transition. Therefor the immediate and unrestricted ways of expression in social media partially works against creating the social capital necessary for consolidation – fully completed democratization.

Darbo tikslas - ištirti ir išanalizuoti galimą ryšį tarp darbuotojų įsipareigojimo organizacijai ir migracinių nuostatų. Uždaviniai: 1.Apibrėžti darbuotojų įsipareigojimo organizacijai sąvokos reikšmę, išskiriant darbuotojų įsipareigojimą lemiančius veiksnius. 2. Atlikti darbuotojų įsipareigojimo organizacijai veiksnių tyrimą, nustatant sąsajas tarp darbuotojų įsipareigojimo organizacijai ir jų migracinių nuostatų. 3.Pateikti organizacijai rekomendacijas, kaip stiprinti darbuotojų įsipareigojimą organizacijai ir paveikti migracines nuostatas. Tyrimo metodika: Palangos reabilitacijos ligoninėje atlikta anoniminė darbuotojų anketinė apklausa. Per apklausą Palangos reabilitacijos ligoninėje apklausti 104 darbuotojai. Ryšys tarp darbuotojų įsipareigojimo organizacijai ir migracinių nuostatų apskaičiuoti ir įvertinti koreliacijos koeficiento pagalba. Rezultatai: Emociniam darbuotojų įsipareigojimui organizacijai yra svarbūs darbuotojų tarpusavio santykiai ir bendradarbiavimo kultūra, kas turi tiesioginį ryšį su darbuotojų migracinėmis nuostatomis. Reikšmingas veiksnys, turintis poveikį darbuotojo apsisprendimui migruoti yra efektyvi informacinė sklaida tarp darbuotojų ir vadovų. Tyrimu atskleista, kad jaunesnių iki 25 metų amžiaus darbuotojų grupėje yra didesnis suinteresuotumas migracijos atžvilgiu. Tai rodo reikšmingą darbuotojo darbinės patirties organizacijoje ir jo įsipareigojimo organizacijai ryšį. / Aim of the study is to evaluate and to analyse determining factors of employees’ commitment objectives association with attitudes towards migration. Objectives: 1. To define meaning of employees’ commitment to the organization and its determining factors. 2. To make research of Employees’ Commitment to the Organization establishing its Determining Factors and Association with Attitudes towards Migration. 3. To provide recommendations to increasing employees’ commitment and inform attitudes towards migration. Methods: The anonymous survey was conducted at Palanga Rehabilitation Hospital. Questionnaires were given to employees working in these institution (n=104). Correlation test was used to measure discriminant validity. Results: The results indicate that employees are mostly motivated by relationship and collaboration with colleagues, supervisors. Research shows that there is an influence between affective commitments towards migration. There is a significant influence between towards migration and internal organizational communication; greater is employees’ satisfaction in regards to personal feedback, the climate of communication. The conclusion is drawn that the tendency to emigrate will prevail in the future within the younger employees.

The European Union (EU) is a formidable actor in contemporary international politics. Many prominent scholars devote their lives to studying both how European power came to be and analyzing the character of that power. The vast majority of the resulting scholarship fails to empirically test the arguments set forth. While rich in theoretical insights, the lack of empirical support renders the debate unsatisfying. This study tests the arguments about the nature of European power in the international context using the cases of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) and Europe's energy policies. Chapter One introduces the Normative Power Europe concept and describes my methodology. Chapter Two delineates the existing debates on the power of the EU. Chapters Three and Four test European power using the cases of the ENP and Europe's energy policies (respectively). In addition, Chapter Four offers some concluding remarks. This study finds that the EU consistently behaves as a normative power from the basic premise of virtue ethics, but inconsistently in terms of deontological and teleological ethics.

En la práctica jurídica contemporánea es usual que muchas discusiones giren en torno a elementos tales como "derechos fundamentales", "bienes constitucionalmente protegidos", "valores superiores" y otros aspectos sustantivos, normalmente de rango constitucional. Asimismo, la distinción entre "principios" y "reglas", o conceptos como el de "ponderación", han pasado en las últimas décadas a formar parte del bagaje teórico básico de los juristas. En esta obra se intenta ofrecer un análisis riguroso de los conflictos entre principios constitucionales, de la ponderación y de la posibilidad de obtener una única respuesta correcta en todo caso, y se intenta mostrar cómo desde el positivismo jurídico y la filosofía analítica puede darse perfecta cuenta de estas cuestiones, señalando además cómo algunas afirmaciones ampliamente compartidas sobre los principios y la ponderación deberían ser abandonadas o cuanto menos matizadas, y que en esencia las situaciones de conflicto entre principios son muy similares, tanto en su estructura como en su modo de resolución, a las antinomias entre reglas. / In the contemporary legal practice, there are very often discussions related with legal elements labelled as “fundamental rights”, “constitutionally protected goods”, “superior values” and other substantive aspects, usually of a constitutional level. Also, the distinction between “legal principles” and “legal rules”, or concepts such as “weighing and balancing” have become in recent years some of the most basic theoretical tools of legal scholars and jurists. This work tries to offer a rigorous analysis about the conflicts between constitutional principles, weighing and balancing and the possibility of a single correct answer, and tries to give account of these matters from the scope of legal positivism and analytic philosophy. Some of the conclusions are that some deeply shared claims about legal principles and weighing and balancing should be abandoned or at least qualified, and that, in sum, conflicts between rules and conflicts between principles are very similar, both in their structure and in the procedures or mechanisms for solving them.