Magister Legum - LLM / In the history of labour relations, trade unions have played a major role in protecting the rights of employees and improving their working conditions. They have defended their members against exploitation by employers. They have promoted the establishment of labour legislation, which in some countries is quite comprehensive. They represent the interests of employees in the collective bargaining process. Albertyn describes trade unions as"institutions which advance democracy, co-operation, peaceful resolution of disputes and nonviolent negotiation (and which) are intrinsically worth preserving and protecting".' It is selfevident that a trade union needs strength to achieve these purposes. However, trade unions areweakened by the fact that it is not only union members who enjoy the benefits of their achievements, since non-members do the same and some employees thus try to avoid the burdens of trade union membership. It is therefore understandable that trade unions attempt to decrease the numbers of these so-called "free riders". Besides the pressure that can be brought to bear by fellow employees in the workplace, union security arrangements, such as the closed shop or the agency shop, represent another traditional method of strengthening trade unions. The free rider problem, however, is only one of many arguments used in the debate by those who support the establishment of closed shops.

This study aims to shed light on the gendered dynamics of nonviolent resistance and democratisation. Illuminating the role that women can play in the democratisation processes can help underline the importance of women's empowerment.  Therefore, this study aims to answer the research question How can female participation in nonviolent resistance movements lead to a higher likelihood of successful democratisation? I theorise that nonviolent resistance movements enable 1) the elevation of pro-democratic female leaders, and 2) the development of political skills and networks of female participants and women’s organisations. These two factors allow women and women’s groups to continue mobilisation and fight for the institutionalisation of egalitarian democratic norms, which influences democratisation. Using the methods of structured, focused comparison and process tracing, the hypotheses were tested on Brazil’s 1984 Diretas Já Movement and the Philippines' 1986 People Power Revolution. This study found no support for the elevated leader argument, but some support for the development of political skills and networks influencing democratic outcomes. Extra research is warranted to confirm this correlation.

By examining Gandhi as a political organiser it may be possible to bridge the gap between two interpretations of his importance -- one which focuses on his propagation of nonviolence "as a way of life", the other- which treats him as a pioneer in the use of nonviolence "as a conflict technique. " Gandhi named his philosophy and his method of action, "satyagraha". Between 1915 and 1922 he emerged as the organiser of local satyagraha campaigns in Bihar and Gujarat. He moved quickly, however, to leadership of further struggles at a national level, in particular the hoxlatt Satyagraha in 1919 and Noncooperation eighteen months later. The thesis explores, through a series of case studies, how Gandhi developed his methods as he moved over a period of about five years from local to national scale. At the national level, Gandhi failed to take India by storm as he had hoped through organisations founded by himself to propagate his principles like the Satyagraha Sabha and the Swadeshi Sabha. He therefore forged alliances with political figures from other perspectives within the Khilafat movement and the Indian Rational Congress who nonetheless were prepared to follow his direction. A principal means which Gandhi developed for generating solidarity between the nation's educated "classes" and the "masses" and for mobilising people short of civil disobedience, was the promotion of campaigns of constructive work. This is particularly clear in his planning and leadership of the Noncooperation movement. Presentation of nonviolent action in the West, by overstressing the "conflict" aspect of satyagraha and neglecting the "constructive", has been one-sided. The importance in Gandhi's method as an organiser of a concept of constructive programme and its application in practice suggests that advocates of nonviolent action as a technique should look more closely at the balance between the two aspects in his approach. The thesis concludes with a review'of the rules and stages in Gandhi's satyagraha campaigns which have been proposed in the work of Joan Bondurant. / Long Dene Fund

This thesis examines how patriarchal dystopian societies attempt to control their citizenry through the homogenization of discourse and the employment of Foucauldian panopticons. In the context of these power structures, I argue that nonviolent storytelling and restorative memory are more effective in resisting oppression than violent, openly subversive forms of rebellion. In my discussion of The Handmaid’s Tale, I examine how Gilead’s manipulation of public discourse through religious hegemony and restrictions on literacy suppresses the efficacy of individually heroic acts by characters such as Ofglen and Moira. I assert that Offred’s playful deconstruction of language, defiant remembering of her past experiences, and insistence on bearing witness to Gilead’s atrocities without the promise of a listener allows her to successfully resist power and maintain a distinct self. In the analysis of Salt Fish Girl that follows, I study how the Big Six employ a series of cooperative hegemonies to promote neoliberal policies, dehumanize Othered bodies, and rob people in diaspora of cultural memory. Though protagonist Miranda fails in a conventional sense, I conclude that she succeeds due to her remixing of Western texts, hybridization of histories and values, and role in birthing a new, more hopeful future. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

This essay examines whether and how activist theology can be a force for creating peace and presents some practical examples through women who broke new ground and in the midst of raging world wars organized to stop violence and militarism. Through various actions, they wanted to establish not only themselves but also create social change where women were invited and had an obvious place in the society. The purpose of this essay is to examine theological resources for resistance to violence in the peace actions carried out in Sweden by women during the period 1890-1940 through the concepts of activist and lived theology. The peace actions themselves are described and connected with different theological themes to see if the actions can be understood in new ways through these frameworks. The aim is not only to dress peace actions in a new coat and new theological concepts, but also to visualize the womens organization and methods as well as the results of their actions. Women whose contribution is particularly highlighted for this essay are Elin Wägner, Emilia Fogelklou and to some extent Fredrika Bremer as a foreground figure, this as these women particularly expressed theological and religious motivation in their peace work.

This thesis aims to explore the conceptualization, practice, and motivations behind nonviolent resistance among Palestinian activists and organizations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Addressing a notable gap in the literature, this study examines how these actors navigate between pragmatic and principled strategies of nonviolence, utilizing Burrowes’ framework on the pragmatic-principled dimension. Through in-depth interviews with key activists and organizations, the research provides valuable insights into their experiences and beliefs. The findings of the study reveal a prevalence of principled approaches, challenging existing research and theory on Palestinian resistance. Thereby, this thesis contributes to a better understanding of nonviolent resistance in the Palestinian context, and by emphasizing the nonviolent aspect of Palestinian resistance, the research introduces a perspective that challenges traditional narratives of conflict.

The overrepresentation of racial and ethnic minorities in crime has been an issue of debate. Some evidence, however, has shown that racial differences in offending are largely accounted for by economic disadvantage. Using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (n = 4,290), the relationship between race and delinquency was examined looking at social disorganization factors. It was hypothesized that there would be racial and ethnic differences in delinquency and that these differences would be accounted for by social disorganization factors, specifically collective efficacy and economic disadvantage. The results show that compared to White adolescents Hispanic adolescents have increased odds of nonviolent and violent delinquency, and Black adolescents have increased odds of violent delinquency. Contrary to expectations, social disorganization factors did not account for the racial and ethnic differences in delinquency. Unexpectedly, higher levels of collective efficacy actually increased the odds of violent delinquency.

In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.

ABSTRACT MURDERERS AND NONVIOLENT OFFENDERS: A COMPARISON OF LIFESTYLE, PAMPERING, AND EARLY RECOLLECTIONS by Richard A. Highland Alfred Adler outlined a theory of crime that suggests criminals suffer from a lack of social interest and have experienced parental pampering and childhood hyperactivity. He posited that these forces lead to criminality; however, his theory remains largely untested. A review of the criminological literature indicates that most theories of crime lack cognitive elements with adequate operational definitions. A convenience sample of male and female convicted murderers (n = 94) and nonviolent offenders (n = 76) derived from state prisons and parole populations were compared to find if differences in lifestyle attributes, parental pampering, and childhood hyperactivity exist. Prison inmates and parolees completed a demographic and criminal history questionnaire, the BASIS-A Inventory (Wheeler, Kern, & Curlette, 1993), Parental Behavior Questionnaire (Williamson, 1992), Paulhus Deception Scale (Paulhus, 1999), Wender-Utah Rating Scale (Ward, Wender, & Reimherr, 1993), and recorded three early recollections. MANOVA tests on murderer and nonviolent offender data using scales from the BASIS-A Inventory indicates that murderers scored significantly lower (p < .01) than nonviolent offenders on the Belonging Social Interest scale of the BASIS-A Inventory. A "W" aggregate profile on the BASIS-A Inventory data among the nonviolent offenders support prior research and validates the efficacy for using that instrument among criminal populations. MANOVA tests revealed that murderers had more childhood symptoms of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder than nonviolent offenders (p <.05); however, reported parental pampering did not vary by level of violence. Finally, a qualitative analysis of early recollections using the Early Recollections Rating Scale (ERRS; Altman, 1973) reveal moderate correlations between ERRS themes and Belonging Social Interest Going Along, and Being Cautious scales of the BASIS-A Inventory among all participants. Analysis of the data demonstrates partial support for Adler’s theory of crime. In particular, violent criminals exhibit less social interest, report higher levels of childhood hyperactivity, and more often report early recollections with themes of passivity and dependency than nonviolent offenders. Data support the usefulness of lifestyle appraisal among criminal populations as a means to improve methods for assessment and treatment of these offenders.

In the early 1960s, African-American residents of southwest Georgia cooperated with organizers from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to launch a freedom movement that would attempt to battle white supremacy and bring all Americans closer to their country's democratic ideals. Movement participants tried to overcome the fear ingrained in them by daily life in the Jim Crow South, and to reconstruct American society from within. Working within a tradition of black insurgency, participants attempted to understand the origins of the intimidation and powerlessness that they often felt, and to form a strong community based on mutual respect, equality, and trust. Black women played fundamental roles in shaping this movement and African-American resistance patterns more generally, and struggles such as the southwest Georgia movement reveal the ways in which black people have identified themselves as American citizens, equated citizenship with political participation, and reinterpreted American democratic traditions along more just and inclusive lines. This thesis begins with a narrative of the movement. It then moves on to discuss SNCC's efforts to build community solidarity and empower African-American residents of southwest Georgia, and to consider the notion that SNCC owed its success to the activism of local women and girls. Next, it proposes that in the southwest Georgia movement there was no clear distinction between public and private space and work, and it suggests that activism in the movement emerged from traditional African-American patterns of family and community organization. Finally, this thesis asserts that the mass jail-ins for which the movement became famous redefined and empowered the movement community. This analysis reconsiders the analytical categories with which scholars generally study social movements. Instead of employing a linear narrative structure that emphasizes formal political activity and specific tactical victories, this thesis suggests that political participation takes diverse forms and it highlights the cycles of community building and individual empowerment that characterize grassroots organizing. It underscores the sheer difficulty of initiating and sustaining a mass struggle, and argues that the prerequisite to forming an insurgent movement is the ability of individuals to envision alternative social and cultural possibilities.