Les travaux traditionnels sur le crime organisé indiquent que le statut d’un individu déterminerait son succès individuel. Des recherches alternatives sur les réseaux des organisations criminelles et de la réussite criminelle indiquent que le rang est moins important que la croyance générale et que les mesures de positionnement stratégique de réseau sont plus susceptibles de déterminer le succès criminel. Ce mémoire étudie les variations des gains criminels au sein de l’organisation de distribution illicite de stupéfiants des Hells Angels. Son objectif est de distinguer, à l’aide de données de comptabilité autorévélées, les éléments influençant ces différences dans le succès criminel en fonction du positionnement plus stratégique ou vulnérable d’un individu au sein de son réseau. Les résultats révèlent des moyennes de volume d’argent transigé beaucoup plus élevées que ce qui est généralement recensé. La distribution de ces capitaux est largement inégale. La disparité des chances liées à l’association criminelle se retrouve aussi dans la polarisation entre les individus fortement privilégiés et les autres qui ont une capacité de positionnement médiocre. Le croisement entre les positions et l’inégalité des gains présente que le positionnement de l’individu dans son réseau est un meilleur prédicteur de réussite criminelle que toute autre variable contextuelle ou de rang. Enfin et surtout, en contradiction avec la littérature, le fait d’atteindre de haut rang hiérarchique nuirait au succès criminel, les résultats montrant que cet état réduit l’accès au crédit, réduit les quantités de drogue par transaction et augmente le prix de la drogue à l’unité. / Traditional work on organized crime indicates that one’s status determines his individual success. Alternative research on criminal organization’s networks and criminal success however, reveal that the rank is less important than generally believed and that the measures of strategic positioning in a network are more likely to influence criminal achievement. This thesis examines income fluctuations within the Hells Angels Nomads, an illegal drug distribution organization in Québec. The purpose of this study is to distinguish the factors contributing to these differences in criminal success according to an offender’s strategic or vulnerable positioning within its network, using self-report account data. The results show that the average amount of money traded is much higher than what is usually identified in the literature and its distribution is largely uneven. The disparity of opportunity related to criminal association is also reflected in the polarization between highly privileged individuals and other individuals who have a poor positioning capacity. The interaction between position and earning inequalities demonstrates that the positioning of an individual in its network is a better predictor of success than rank or any other criminal context variable. Most importantly, and in opposition with the literature, achieving high rank would be detrimental to one’s criminal success. Results demonstrate that this state reduces access to credit, reduces the amount of drug per transaction and increases the price of drugs per unit.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universiẗat Hannover, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-154).

In hierdie studie word die ses Suid-Afrikaanse gevangenisbendes vergelyk met vyftien bendes uit oorsese lande of streke, tw. Amerika, Sentraal- en Suid Amerika, Kanada, Nieu Zeeland en Brittanje. As basis van vergelyking dien hul Oorsprong, Ontstaansdoel, Geslags- en Etniese samestelling, Eienskappe, Gesagstruktuur, Uitkenningstekens en Metodes van kommunikasie. Die verskillende bendes word ook vanuit Penologiese oogpunt beoordeel. `n Spesiale hoofstuk word gewy aan die uniekheid van die sogenaamde "Nommerbendes", tw. die 28, 27, 26, 25, 24 en 23 bendes. Verskeie aspekte soos die ontstaan, rituele en geheimhouding word volledig onder die soeklig geplaas. In die bespreking van die Nommerbendes word `n groot verskeidenheid geheime inligting vir die eerste maal geopenbaar. Die studie word afgesluit met enkele aanduidings van terreine wat roep om verdere navorsing. `n Vyftal bylaes dien om sekere aspekte van die navorsing en gevangenislewe verder toe te lig. / In this study the six South African prison gangs are compared to fifteen prison gangs from foreign countries, namely America, Central and South America, Canada, New Zealand and Britain. The comparison is based on their Origin, Original aim, Gender and Ethnic make-up, Characteristics, Authoritative structure, Gang identifiet·s and Methods of communication. The different gangs are then evaluated from Penological viewpoint A chapter is specially dedicated to the uniqueness of the so-called "Number Gangs", i.e. 28, 27, 26, 25, 24 and 23 gangs. Difierent aspects, such as their common origin, rituals and secrecy, are carefully described. In the discussion of the different Number gangs a large variety of secret information is exposed for the first time ever. The study concludes with some indicators for possible further research. Five Addenda serve to elucidate certain aspects of the contents. / Penology / M.A. (Penology)

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T01:17:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_PauloJosedosReis_D.pdf: 1227497 bytes, checksum: d281da57cc7a47b8bc7b81c8685848fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O crime organizado transnacional (COT), apesar de seu papel crescente nas agendas de segurança nacional e internacional dos Estados desde a década de 1990, teve pouca atenção nos estudos de relações internacionais. As referências teóricas tradicionais desta área (particularmente da subárea de segurança internacional), bem como a noção estreita de criminalidade como um assunto doméstico e essencialmente jurídico, dificultaram a avaliação adequada deste novo papel assumido pelas atividades ilícitas transnacionais. Dado o pioneirismo estadunidense em tal processo, o objetivo do trabalho é analisar a alocação do COT na agenda de segurança nacional estadunidense durante o governo Clinton e alguns dos seus resultados, especialmente para a distinção entre as noções de segurança doméstica e internacional. Para tanto, fazemos uma análise documental e histórica, pautada no conceito de securitização da Escola de Copenhagen. A securitização pela qual o COT passou nos Estados Unidos pautou-se na percepção de ameaça existencial que este fenômeno criminal colocava a vários aspectos da nação, tanto sociais quanto econômicos. O "ato de fala" realizado pelo Executivo do país a partir de 1995, com a diretiva presidencial 42, foi aceito extensamente pelo público em geral e por várias elites sociais, uma audiência que conferiu legitimidade a tal processo. Três grupos de apoiadores foram particularmente importantes: a mídia, os especialistas e o Congresso estadunidense. O primeiro ajudou na disseminação da percepção de ameaça entre a população; o segundo auxiliou na quantificação e qualificação desta ameaça, fornecendo um conhecimento "cientificamente" embasado; o terceiro conferiu suporte político às iniciativas próprias do Executivo, bem como foi, ele mesmo, agente de propostas. O contexto histórico de liberalização política e econômica, o avanço tecnológico nas comunicações e transporte, bem como o fim do conflito bipolar, compôs um quadro favorável ao aumento do COT e à sua percepção como ameaça aos países e à ordem internacional nascente. No entanto, esse processo também deve ser creditado aos interesses de agências de Inteligência e aplicação da Lei estadunidenses, que, com o fim da Guerra Fria, buscaram redefinir seus papéis de proteção à nação. São expressões concretas da securitização o aumento de recursos, bem como a ênfase na ação militar e na internacionalização de atividades policiais que ocorreu com os programas de combate à criminalidade transnacional na América Latina, uma região que já era foco, desde a década de 1980, de políticas de combate ao tráfico de drogas, uma das mais importantes expressões do COT contemporâneo / Abstract: Transnational organized crime (TOC), despite its increasing role in the national and international security agendas of States since the 1990s, got little attention in studies of international relations. The traditional theoretical references in this area (particularly on international security subfield), and the narrow notion of crime as a domestic and essentially legal matter, hampered the proper assessment of this new role played by illicit transnational activities. The objective of this work is to analyze the allocation of TOC in the U.S. national security agenda during the Clinton administration, as well as to check some of its results, especially for the distinction between the notions of domestic and international security. To this end, a historical and documentary analysis, based on the Copenhagen's School concept of securitization, was done. The securitization process in which TOC has passed in the United States was based on the perception of existential threat that this criminal phenomenon posed to various aspects of the nation, both social and economic. The "speech act" carried out by the Executive of the country since 1995, with the PDD-42, was widely accepted by the general public and various social elites, an audience that gave legitimacy to this process. Three supporters groups were particularly important: the media, the experts and the U.S. Congress. The first helped the spread of threat perception among the population; the second helped to quantify and qualify this threat by providing a "scientifically" grounded knowledge; the third gave political support to the Executive initiatives and was, itself, an agent of proposals. The historical context of political and economic liberalization, technological advances in communications and transportation, as well as the end of bipolar conflict, wrote a favorable framework for the increase of TOC and its perception as a threat to countries and to the emerging international order. However, this process must also be credited to the interests of intelligence agencies and U.S. law enforcement, which, with the end of the Cold War, sought to redefine their roles in protecting the nation. The increasing of resources adressed to fight crime, the growth of military action and the internationalization of police activities that occurred in programs to combat transnational crime in Latin America are concrete expressions of securitization. In this scenery Latin America can be considereda region that was already the focus, since the 1980s, of policies to combat drug trafficking, one of the most important expressions of contemporary COT / Doutorado / Relações Internacionais / Doutor em Ciência Política

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mylene Comploier.pdf: 6040902 bytes, checksum: ccbd2535803c7b949ceaf639f55b5f92 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-03 / This study aims to make a critical analysis of the Brazilian management and disposal of apprehended goods seized, impounded, locked and specific foregone by the criminal justice system. Globalization has brought with it the international nature of crime. To face that issue, a new criminal policy has become part from the international agenda, settled on the tripod criminalizing money laundering, international legal cooperation and confiscation. A criminal law reaction is moved to a economic realm, since the application of imprisonment is considered too low to quell this new type of crime, especially in so-called 'white-collar offenses'. With this paradigm shift, several relevant international conventions and treaties ratified by Brazil, recommend the objective of placing the offender in the net assets it had before the perpetration of the crime, which gave body to the issue, although tibia way, some pieces of legislation that deal with the asset from crime aspect. Hereinafter new problems emerge notably practical applicability on the issue of asset recovery, including the absence or ineffectiveness of heritage inquiries, need to Changeover the mentality of of law operators and the pressing request for creating bodies or agencies that devolve management of seized goods, including its preservation provisional use, selling or leasing prior. On the legislative side, as well is approaching-acute the approval from a bill that comes to domain putting out civil action order to make it possible the enlarged lost, by taking into consideration the new global criminal policy adopted regarding the economic criminality was ratified by several international conventions and treaties. / O presente trabalho pretende efetuar uma análise crítica do modelo em curso no Brasil para gestão e destinação de bens apreendidos, sequestrados, arrestados, bloqueados e determinados perdidos pelo sistema de Justiça Penal. A globalização trouxe consigo o caráter transnacional do crime. Para fazer frente a essa problemática, uma nova política criminal passou a fazer parte da agenda internacional, assentada no tripé criminalização da lavagem de dinheiro, cooperação jurídica internacional e confisco de bens. A reação penal é deslocada para o âmbito econômico, uma vez que a aplicação da pena de prisão é considerada insuficiente para reprimir essa nova forma de criminalidade, notadamente nos denominados white-collar crimes . Com essa mudança de paradigma, diversas convenções e tratados internacionais ratificados pelo Brasil preconizam o objetivo de colocar o criminoso na situação patrimonial que possuía antes do cometimento do crime, o que deu corpo à edição, ainda que de maneira tíbia, de alguns diplomas legislativos que tratam do aspecto patrimonial do crime. Doravante, surgem novos problemas notadamente de aplicabilidade prática na questão da recuperação de ativos, tais como a ausência ou ineficiência de investigações patrimoniais, a necessidade de mudança de mentalidade dos operadores do direito e a urgente demanda para a criação de órgãos ou agências que se incumbam da gestão de bens apreendidos, incluindo a sua conservação, uso provisório, venda antecipada ou locação. No plano legislativo, avizinha-se também premente a aprovação de projeto de lei que trata da ação civil de extinção de domínio, a fim de tornar possível a perda alargada, levando-se em consideração a nova política criminal mundial adotada em relação à criminalidade econômica, ratificada por diversos tratados e convenções internacionais.

La corruption se définit de la manière la plus large comme tout « abus de pouvoir aux fins d’un profit privé ». Sous ses différentes formes, elle apparaît intimement liée à l’exercice du pouvoir. Cette dimension politique en fait l’envers de la démocratie, ainsi qu’un phénomène criminel particulièrement difficile à identifier, poursuivre et réprimer. Au cours des dernières décennies, elle aurait acquis une nouvelle dimension mondiale, rendant nécessaire une constante adaptation des dispositifs tant préventifs que répressifs. Cependant, le système pénal anti-corruption semble tributaire des profondes tensions générées par la confrontation permanente de la logique de l’État de droit à celle du pouvoir. Les résistances politiques s’avèrent nombreuses dans la perspective de diminuer les obstacles à une pleine efficacité répressive. Le juge pénal se trouve alors placé en première ligne de ce processus dialectique. Par son audace investigatrice et sa jurisprudence compensatrice, il contribuerait de manière décisive à faire évoluer le droit et, plus largement, à redéfinir les équilibres démocratiques entre pouvoir et contre-pouvoir. Sur le plan national, la justice acquiert ainsi une autonomie, une légitimité et une indépendance inédites. À travers la lutte contre la corruption transnationale, ce droit sous haute tension doit répondre au double défi de son efficacité et de son extranéité. L’approche systémique de la lutte contre la corruption permet alors de penser la cohérence d’ensemble des dispositifs juridiques, qu’il s’agit d’aligner suivant le même but : constituer une barrière protectrice pour le bien commun / Corruption is defined, in the broadest sense as any “abuse of power for private gain”. In its various forms, this phenomenon appears to be closely linked to the exercise of power. This political dimension makes it the opposite of democracy, as well as a criminal phenomenon which is particularly difficult to identify, prosecute and control. In the last decades, corruption has acquired a new international dimension that seemingly requires the constant adjustment of measures and provisions of law. However, the system dedicated to anti-corruption is seemingly born out of deep tensions generated by the permanent confrontation of the logic of the rule of law with the logic of power. There remains much political resistance to addressing the enforcement gap and remove the barriers to full repressive efficiency. The criminal judge is therefore placed at the forefront of this dialectical process. Through his investigative boldness and establishment of compensatory jurisprudence, the criminal judge contributes decisively to developing the law and, more broadly, to redefine the democratic balance between power and countervailing checks and balances. Nationally, justice thus acquires unprecedented autonomy, legitimacy and independence. Through the fight against transnational corruption, this law under high pressure must meet the dual challenge of its effectiveness and its foreignness. As a result, the systemic approach to the fight against corruption suggests we might think legal provisions in their overall consistency, with respect to their final aim: provide a line of defense for the common good

[pt] O aumento do crime organizado transnacional nas últimas três décadas fez com que as autoridades mundiais procurassem novos meios de enfrentar, reprimir e punir organizações cada vez mais poderosas. A soberania estatal impede a intervenção de terceiros nos assuntos internos dos Estados, mesmo quando se trata de delitos de repercussão internacional, impossibilitando a criação um órgão supranacional dotados de poderes para investigar e punir esses delitos. A única resposta encontrada pelos Estados foi o incremento dos tipos e da quantidade de medidas de cooperação internacional em matéria penal. Para isso, fez-se necessário rever os métodos tradicionais de cooperação judicial, outorgando às autoridades encarregadas da persecução penal maior autonomia para cooperar diretamente, sem intervenção judicial. No Brasil, mesmo que de forma mais vagarosa que no resto do mundo, o mesmo vai acontecendo. A tese propõe que a Constituição da República, da legislação infraconstitucional e dos tratados internacionais, que regulam a cooperação em matéria criminal celebrados pelo Brasil, revelam que o Ministério Público Brasileiro, em especial o Ministério Público Federal, tem o dever de cooperar com as autoridades estrangeiras no combate à criminalidade transnacional. É o Ministério Público o principal ator da persecução penal, sendo-lhe inerente papel a atribuição de realizar atos de cooperação internacional. Decisões recentes do Supremo Tribunal Federal e do Superior Tribunal de Justiça negaram a validade de atos de cooperação direta. Apesar disso, persistem fortes argumentos a favor da cooperação pelo MP, mesmo quando a medida solicitada pelo Estado estrangeiro depender da autorização dos órgãos da base do Poder Judiciário. / [en] In the last three decades the world has seen an astonishing rise in transnational organized crime, a challenge that made the International Society search for new ways to prosecute organizations that seem to grow more powerful every day. In International Society, each and every State is an independent and sovereign entity, which means that no other State or international entity may meddle in another Stat s internal affairs. This means that the prosecution of transnational crime cannot be entrusted to an international organ, nor can a State pretend to pursue an offender into another s territory. To overcome this barrier, new and faster methods of international cooperation have been adopted with authorities being granted a greater degree of autonomy to perform acts of mutual legal assistance. The same phenomenon is occurring in Brazil, although in a much slower pace. This doctoral dissertation seeks to establish that the Constitution, Brazilian procedural and criminal laws, and the international treaties to which Brazil is party assign to the Ministério Público - MP, as the autonomous government office in charge of criminal prosecution, the task to assist international authorities in prosecuting transnational crime. Specially at the Federal level, the Ministério Público is the main actor in the investigation and judicial prosecution of criminals, however recent decisions reached by the Supremo Tribunal Federal and the Superior Tribunal de Justiça, Brazil s highest courts, have voided acts of direct cooperation by judicial authorities, raising a lot of questions about the possibility of mutual legal assistance acts by Brazilian authorities. That notwithstanding, there are several arguments which were not presented to those courts that clearly show that the MP has a crucial role to play in international cooperation in criminal matters.

Depuis plusieurs années déjà, un phénomène particulièrement dangereux se répand et s’étend désormais partout, suscitant des inquiétudes au sein de la société : la criminalité organisée. Pour l’endiguer et pour garantir la protection des personnes, on a essayé d’employer une politique de prévention des crimes. A cette fin, de nombreux procédés législatifs ont été adoptés au niveau national et international. La communauté européenne et internationale est intervenue plusieurs fois dans la lutte contre la criminalité organisée, à partir du Traité de Maastricht, d’Amsterdam, du Conseil de Tampere jusqu’au récent Traité de Lisbonne. Ces traités ont permis l’adoption d’importantes mesures pour lutter contre la criminalité organisée. Il est également possible de relever que la Convention des Nations Unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée et la Convention du 29 mai 2000 ont eu un apport non négligeable. Des accords bilatéraux ont été adoptés par la France et l’Italie pour combattre plus efficacement ce péril et cette plaie qui infecte des points vitaux de la société (par exemple l’Administration Publique et les banques, dont le contrôle est nécessaire pour le blanchiment). La France, avec l’adoption de la loi Perben II du 9 mars 2004 portant adaptation de la justice aux évolutions de la criminalité et l’Italie avec les « paquets sécurité » de 2009 et 2010, ont employé beaucoup de moyens pour réduire et limiter le champ d’action de ces criminels. Un rôle fondamental a été celui des collaborateurs de justice que avec leurs aveux, en échange de réductions de peine, ont dévoilé la structure et la hiérarchie des associations criminelles permettant aux autorités compétentes de mieux les comprendre, de repérer les associés, et en nombreux cas de les détruire. Il faut souligner qu’une mesure efficace a été la confiscation des biens cumulés par les malfaiteurs (bien meubles et immeubles, c’est-à dire des dépôts bancaires, investissements financiers, propriétés, terrains, maisons) et leur utilisation de la part de l’administration publique à des fins sociales à l’avantage de toute la communauté (écoles, édifices publics et hôpitaux). La confiscation du bien, en fait, empêche la criminalité organisée d’en disposer et d’en tirer des revenus, mine sa structure et son pouvoir. Parallèlement, elle donne confiance aux populations souvent tourmentées et effrayées (pensons par exemple au racket imposé aux commerçants et aux entreprises de constructions, d’exploitation agricole), et alimente l’espoir d’une possible libération. La lutte contre les organisations criminelles est longue et difficile, mais si elle est mené avec détermination sur plusieurs fronts, avec la collaboration et la coordination des moyens répressifs des États et de leurs gouvernements, les succès ne pourront pas manquer / For quite a few years now, a particularly dangerous and unsettling phenomenon has been spreading and extending in various degrees throughout all the regions, and that phenomenon is organized crime. In order to check (limit) its spread and guarantee the protection of the population, a crime prevention policy has been imposed. To such an end, numerous legislative provisions have been adopted on both the national and international level. The European and international community have repeatedly intervened in the last years to fight against organized crime, beginning with the Treaty of Maastricht, the Council of Tampere, up to the recent Essay in Lisbon. These treaties have allowed for the adoption of important measures to fight against organized crime, and one should not overlook the Convention of the United Nations and the Convention of May 29, 2000 (in doing the same). Bilateral accords have been stipulated from both France and Italy to more effectively oppose this danger and social evil that threatens with infecting, if it has not already done so, the organs of modern societies (for example; Public Administration, banks (the control of which is necessary in order to recycle dirty money). France, with the approval of the Perben II Law of March 9, 2004 intended to bring up to date the tools of justice in order to make them more incisive in relationship to the evolution of criminality. Italy has done the same thing with the “safety packets” of 2009 and 2010. Furthermore, these two countries have employed many resources in order to try to reduce and limit criminality’s field of action. A fundamental role was carried out by those who collaborated with the judicial system who, by their confessions in exchange for reduced punishment, have disclosed the structure and the hierarchy of criminal associations allowing the authorities involved to better understand, individualize their affiliates (i.e. members) and, in numerous cases, to dismantle them. By contrast, a very effective measure has been and still is the confiscation of goods accumulated by (those) in organized crime (real and financial goods, that is, banking deposits, financial investments, property, land, houses) and their re-use by Public Administration for the social well-being and to the advantage of the entire community (schools, public buildings, hospitals). The forfeiture of such goods, in fact, deprives the criminal underworld the lifeblood and profits that it draws from them; it mines the structure its power, contemporaneously providing safety to the people who are often oppressed and intimidated (one needs only to think about the extortions imposed on shopkeepers, construction and agricultural enterprises) and heightens their hope of a possible liberation from the above. The struggles against criminal organizations is long and difficult, but if it is conducted with determination on more fronts, with the collaboration and the coordination of the repressive apparatuses of nations and their governments, success cannot fail

Objectifs. Les objectifs de ce mémoire sont au nombre de deux. Le premier objectif est scindé en deux : l’objectif 1A est d’évaluer l’apport et la validité/fiabilité de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de compte amorcée par Cordeau dans sa thèse de doctorat de 1991 puis d’étendre la portée de cette analyse descriptive de part et d’autre des années 1970-1986. Ceci sera fait afin de voir si les règlements de compte de la période de Cordeau diffèrent de notre ensemble; l’objectif 1B est d’évaluer différents taux afin de voir lesquels nous permettent de mieux comprendre les grandes tendances des règlements de compte et leurs vagues. Enfin, le deuxième objectif est d’utiliser l’analyse de réseau afin de confirmer certains points ressortant de l’analyse descriptive des règlements de comptes et d’analyser la structure sociale du règlement de compte au Québec entre 1953 et 2013. Méthodologie. En faisant appel à Allô Police et plusieurs autres sources médiatiques, nous avons constitué une base de données des règlements de comptes québécois entre de 1953 à 2013. Nos analyses font appel à une approche holistique qui intègre à la fois l’analyse statistique descriptive, les tableaux croisés, l’analyse temporelle et l’analyse de réseau afin de bien cerner la question des règlements de compte. Résultats. Nos principaux résultats sont au nombre de quatre: 1) les grandes tendances qu’avait trouvées Cordeau entre 1970-1986 s’appliquent pour l’ensemble des règlements de compte de 1953 à 2013. Ainsi, peu de variations importantes ont été observées entre nos règlements de compte et ceux de Cordeau ; 2) les taux alternatifs se basant sur la population carcérale ou criminelle ne permettent pas de mieux comprendre les règlements de compte par rapport à un taux basé sur la population générale. Par contre, les proportions proposées par Morselli et al (2008) amènent une meilleure conception des périodes d’effervescences du milieu; 3) les groupes criminels qui sont plus exposés à la violence sont aussi ceux qui ont le plus recours à la violence et; 4) les indépendants occupent une place importante parmi les victimes de règlements de compte et ont donc une place importante dans le milieu criminel. Conclusion. Nos résultats font état du besoin d’intégrer différentes approches théoriques et méthodologiques afin de bien cerner la question complexe qu’est le règlement de compte. Avec les avenues de recherches identifiées à la fin de ce mémoire, nous espérons que la relève sera en mesure de mettre à profit les apprentissages de ce mémoire. / Objectives. This thesis has two objectives. The first objective is divided in two: objective 1A is to evaluate and extend the descriptive analysis of account settlement trends started by Cordeau in his doctoral thesis of 1991. This will be done so as to compare his dataset to ours and see if any significant differences emerge; Objective 1B is to look into the construction and use of alternative account settlement rates to see which one allow us to be better capture the dynamics (ebbs and flows, general tendencies) of this particular subset of homicides. Our final objective is to use social network analysis to confirm and highlight certain findings that will come about through the descriptive analysis. The use of social network analysis will also allow us to analyze the social structure of account settlements in Quebec between 1953 and 2013. Methodology. Using datasets compiled from Allô Police and other media sources, our approach is a holistic one that seeks to incorporate descriptive statistical analysis, cross-tabulation, trend analysis and social network analysis so as to properly frame and study account settlement patterns and trends. Results. There are four main results in our study: 1) most of the trends found by Cordeau in his account settlement dataset (1970-1986) are also present within our dataset (1953-2013). There are, thus, few important variations between the two datasets; 2) compared to a general population rate, alternative rates based on the prison population or the larger criminal populations do not add to our understanding of the phenomena. However, the use of rates proposed by Morselli et al (2008) do allow for a clearer picture of unusual periods of activity within the criminal milieu; 3) criminal groups that are more exposed to violence tend to be the groups that resort to violence the most; 4) independent operators form a majority of our account settlement victim dataset and this would seem to indicate the importance of their role in organized crime. Conclusion. Our results illustrate the need for better integration of different methodologies and theories to properly analyze and understand account settlement trends. With the multiple avenues of research identified at the end of this thesis, we hope that future research can make use of theoretical and methodological integration to build a more complete picture of account settlement trends.

The target of this research is to reveal causal factors that influence the way policy goals and instruments of international organizations in the domain of human trafficking are designed. By tracking evolutions of anti-trafficking policies undergone by the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the thesis demonstrates impact of specific factors on changes in the functioning of international organizations. To unravel mechanism explaining the internal workings of a policy formation within an IO, the thesis considers and tests theoretical assumptions of three rivalling theories on institutions; the realism, historical institutionalism and neoliberal institutionalism. Premises of respective theories, which offer contrasting perspectives on the functioning of international organizations, will help to formulate corresponding independent variables. The dependant variable being the changing design of institutions, the detailed cross-case analysis spanning a period of one decade uncovers causal relations between independent dependent variables. Thus, by means of time series data collection, patterns revealing which of independent variables can be designed as responsible for observed changes becomes visible. In this way, the study is able to answer to what extent...