Eichstätt-Ingolstadt, Univ., Diss., 2009.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1968. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- McMaster University, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-362). Also available via World Wide Web.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Université d'Amsterdam, 1977. Titre de soutenance : De rol van sektarisme, regionalisme en tribalisme bij de strijd om de politieke macht in Syrië, 1961-1976. / En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p.202-218. Notes bibliogr. Index.

Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Zürich, 1986. / Bibliogr. p. 211-217.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Historische Fakultät--Bochum--Ruhr-Universität, 1993. / Bibliogr. p. 282-329.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--droit--Paris 1, 1991.

The Popular Front Policy of the Communist International contributed to the unity of the Popular Front coalitions in France and Spain that won the elections in 1936. It also led to progress for the Communist Party. This never happened in Sweden, but there was some anti-fascist unity within the working class movement. Communist and Social Democrats worked together within the Jansson-Mineur-Committee (1935–1938), an organisation working for the release of two Swedish seamen imprisoned in Nazi Germany. This study examines the Popular Front Policy of the Communist Party of Sweden within the Committee. In relation to previous research, this study’s main contribution is a detailed analysis of the Popular Front Policy on a practical organisational level. The Communists had decisive influence on the Committee, which achieved considerable anti-fascist unity. But unlike in France or Spain, this anti-fascist unity did not lead to broader unity and to progress for the Communist Party, because the dominant Social Democratic Party blocked the Communists efforts. Also, the anti-fascism in France and Spain was different from the Swedish anti-fascism which was mainly directed against foreign fascism. These factors constrained the possibilities of transferring the anti-fascist unity into a general unity within the working class movement.

Comment l’Etat-Parti chinois renouvelle-t-il son élite et maintient-il sa cohésion dans la période post-Maoïste ? Il s’agit d’une question fondamentale pour comprendre l’évolution du système politique chinois. Or, les explications fournies par la littérature sur la question sont loin d’être satisfaisantes. J’aborde ces questions à travers une étude unique du rôle joué par la Ligue des Jeunesses Communistes dans le recrutement et la promotion des cadres de l’Etat-Parti depuis les années 1980. Je montre que du fait de la situation politique de l’après Révolution Culturelle et des besoins en jeunes soutiens de certains dirigeants, un système de « mobilité sponsorisée » s’est développé afin de renouveler l’élite politique chinoise. Des étudiants sont recrutés dès l’université et formés par les organisations de jeunesse du Parti. Ils sont alors placés sur une filière de promotion rapide, avec des opportunités de carrière et de formation uniques. Ce qui les conduit à des postes de dirigeants au sein de l’Etat-Parti. Par ailleurs, à travers les différentes étapes du processus de « mobilité sponsorisée », les jeunes recrues développent un rôle spécifique en tant que futurs cadres dirigeants et transforment leurs cercles de sociabilité. En conséquence, ils renforcent leur engagement politique et donc leur intérêt personnel à la survie du régime. Enfin, la nature décentralisée de l’Etat-Parti, et de ses organisations de jeunesse ; rend difficile pour les jeunes recrues d’établir des groupes cohésifs qui pourraient s’organiser contre l’Etat-Parti lui-même. / How does the Chinese Party-State renew its political elite and maintain its cohesion in the post-Mao era? This is a key question in order to understand the evolution of China’s political system and still the explanations one can find in the literature are far from satisfactory. I approach these questions through a unique account of the role played by the Chinese Communist Youth League (CYL) in terms of cadres’ recruitment and promotion since the 1980s. I show that due to post-Cultural Revolution politics and the need for leaders at the time to recruit loyal young cadres, a “sponsored mobility” system was developed to renew the Party-State’s elite. College students are recruited and trained through the Party’s youth organizations. They are put then on a unique promotion path, which includes specific opportunities and trainings, and which leads them to leadership position in the Party-State. In addition, through the various steps of the sponsored mobility process, the young recruits develop a specific social role as future officials and transform their social circles. As a result, they cultivate a political commitment to their career in the Party-State and to the survival of the regime. Finally, the decentralized nature of the Party-State and its youth organizations make it difficult for the young recruits to establish cohesive groups which could organize against the Party-State itself.

This essay has examined potential ideological change in the Swedish party, the Sweden Democrats. This has been done by examining the changes made to the party platforms adopted by the party from 1989 until the latest one, which at the time of writing was adopted in 2019.