Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:46:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 456485.pdf: 986982 bytes, checksum: bca2dfc924a36fe5a2da3c79838ca50e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-28 / This work aims to understand the process of construction and continuity of activism in social movements within the contemporary Brazilian context, understood as a set of organizations and individuals of whom have agreements on a specific agenda or of who is its adversary. The study considers the political and sociocultural conjuncture that allowed the rise of such movements and the means of admission of engaged individuals organizations, observing which social dynamics are the most significant to determine their position inside activist organization. The research area to follow these dynamics was a communitarian radio RadioCom, located in the city of Pelotas/RS. The methodology employed to the achievement of this research were participant observation and in-depth interviews, undertaking accompaniment of everyday life of the radio s producers through the year of 2011 and a selection of individuals who were then engaged in it. Taking in consideration the theoretical referential of the theory of political processes, the consolidation of social networks, and the Habitus regarding militant spaces, the work concludes that there are characteristics in the militancy type that are a result of the observed conjuncture, in which syndicalism and partisan affiliation of leadership were a significant element for the formation of a group of new militants. Participation in spaces is supported through the formation of social ties based on affectivity e acknowledgement of the experiences arisen from other social spheres. Also that the possibility that militant activity doesn t come to compete or impede somehow the financial maintenance is fundamental for the continuity of political participation. On the organization s egress, it occurs through perception of a limited structural space in terms of satisfaction and recurrence and, by having introjected the Habitus and by constituting a militant worldview, many of the individuals will seek to apply the expertise gained in the militancy on other social spaces. / Este trabalho busca entender o processo de constru??o e continuidade do ativismo em movimentos sociais no contexto brasileiro contempor?neo, compreendendo como tal um conjunto de organiza??es e indiv?duos que t?m acordo sobre uma pauta ou de quem ? o seu advers?rio. O estudo considera a conjuntura sociocultural e pol?tica que permitiu o surgimento destes movimentos e as maneiras de ingresso dos indiv?duos engajados nessas organiza??es, observando quais din?micas sociais s?o mais significativas para determinar suas posi??es dentro das organiza??es ativistas. O espa?o de investiga??o para acompanhar essas din?micas foi uma r?dio comunit?ria R?dioCom, localizada na cidade de Pelotas/RS. A metodologia empregada para realiza??o da pesquisa foi a observa??o participante e entrevistas em profundidade, sendo feito o acompanhamento do cotidiano dos produtores de programas da r?dio no decorrer do ano de 2011 e sele??o de indiv?duos que estavam engajados na r?dio. Levando em considera??o o referencial te?rico da teoria dos processos pol?ticos e da consolida??o de redes sociais e de habitus atinentes ao espa?o militante, concluiu-se que existem caracter?sticas no tipo de milit?ncia que s?o resultado da conjuntura observada, em que o sindicalismo e a filia??o partid?ria das lideran?as foi um elemento significativo para a forma??o de um grupo de novos militantes. A participa??o nos espa?os ? apoiada pela forma??o de la?os sociais baseados na afetividade e reconhecimento das experi?ncias advindas de outras esferas sociais. Tamb?m que a possibilidade de que a atividade militante n?o venha a competir ou impedir de alguma maneira a manuten??o financeira ? fundamental para a continuidade da participa??o pol?tica. Sobre a sa?da da organiza??o, ocorre pela percep??o de um limite estrutural do espa?o em termos satisfa??o e retorno, e, havendo introjetado o habitus e constituindo-se uma vis?o de mundo militante, muitos dos sujeitos procurar?o aplicar a expertise adquirida na milit?ncia em outros espa?os sociais.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:46:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 462367.pdf: 535385 bytes, checksum: b638a732eb50fbc382a0f84a3685fdea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-27 / The aim of this study is to analyze the political representation of women through Rio Grande do Sul's female state representatives' performance from 2007 to 2011. We chose Rio Grande do Sul to do our research because we have always followed the path of these Parliamentarians with "curiosity" regarding their projects and their political agendas. That is precisely why we decided to focus our analysis on these State's politicians. We want to verify, in this analysis, whether the women issue is on these parliamentarians' agendas or not. By showing the aspect of women inclusion in politics in contemporary representative democracies, this study provides data on the participation of women in the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul, bringing as the central discussion if the parliamentarians raised questions concerning gender relations in society. That is to say, we want to verify if the women subject is discussed in parliament / O objetivo desse trabalho ? analisar a representa??o pol?tica das mulheres atrav?s da atua??o das deputadas estaduais do Rio Grande do Sul, no per?odo entre 2007 a 2011. Escolhemos o Rio Grande do Sul para a pesquisa desse trabalho, porque temos acompanhado a trajet?ria das deputadas desse estado sempre com atenta curiosidade em rela??o aos seus projetos e suas agendas pol?ticas. E justamente por acompanhar a hist?ria dessas mulheres pol?ticas ? que circunscrevemos a an?lise das deputadas do Rio Grande do Sul. Dentro dessa an?lise, queremos verificar se a quest?o da mulher est? na agenda das deputadas. E em caso afirmativo, de que forma elas significam a quest?o. Mostrando a quest?o sobre a inser??o na pol?tica das mulheres nas democracias representativas contempor?neas, o presente trabalho disponibiliza dados sobre a participa??o das mulheres na Assembleia Legislativa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, apresentando como problematiza??o central verificar se as deputadas levantaram quest?es referentes ?s rela??es de g?nero na sociedade. Ou seja, queremos identificar se o tema sobre as mulheres ? discutido no parlamento.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T13:20:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 449588.pdf: 1998082 bytes, checksum: 8663394ce25c2e0c755f5b6101484e54 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-29 / This study addresses participation of civil society at the level of public sphere, from the following problem of research: how have been constituted participation of civil society organizations within non-formal education, mobilization and social control together with the public sphere during the period from 2002 to 2012? The overall objective of this study is to analyze what participation of civil society organizations within the non-formal education, mobilization and social control, along the public sphere in order to qualify participatory processes have been constituted like. Qualitative research was based on the method of Dialectical and Historical Materialism based on a set of theoretical frameworks related to core theoretical categories, which are: public sphere, social policies, social participation, non-formal education, social mobilization and social control from critical matrix of social thinking, particularly in the area of Applied Social Sciences (Law, Sociology, Education and Social Services). Techniques used to data collection, processing and analysis refer to: Oral History, Questionnaire, Research Document and Content Analysis, having as empirical locus Caritas Brasileira. Results obtained indicate: Non-Formal Education focused on a model of lifelong learning, which has roots in the methodology of popular education. Its materialization occurs through educational processes collectively, democratically and participatory constructed, by subjects involved in territories where they live; social mobilization set up as a permanent process of organization and articulation of different social subjects, around common goals, in order to change their reality; social control is constituted as a process of participation of civil society organizations in order to intervene in public administration. It makes possible collectively through formulation, determination, financial management, monitoring implementation and evaluation of public policies. The effective social control supposes a link between the institutionalized and non-institutionalized participation. It also verified that social participation constitutes as a collective process of exercise of participatory democracy. The aim is strengthen capacity of advocacy of subjects involved in decision making, along with the public sphere, in order to guarantee and expand rights and public policy. In this light, the conclusion of this study reminds us of emergency following thesis: participation of civil society in the constitution of the public sphere is part of the complex, contradictory and fruitful process of democratization, which translates in contention for a State model. In this process, the incidence of such participation has been making effective the institutionalized and non-institutionalized spaces from multiple domains, organizations, individuals and experiences that reflect class interests. Therefore, it will strengthen the constitution of this society as political society, with potentiality to a counter-hegemonic construction of another societal project. This would let overcome the current project that reduces such participation to a complementary function in implementing the public social policies. / O presente estudo tematiza a participa??o da sociedade civil junto ? esfera p?blica, a partir do seguinte problema de pesquisa: Como vem se constituindo a participa??o de organiza??es da sociedade civil, no ?mbito da educa??o n?o-formal, mobiliza??o e controle social, junto ? esfera p?blica, no per?odo de 2002 a 2012? O objetivo geral do estudo ? analisar como vem se constituindo a participa??o de organiza??es da sociedade civil, no ?mbito da educa??o n?o-formal, mobiliza??o e controle social, junto a esfera p?blica, com vistas a qualificar os processos de participa??o. A investiga??o de natureza qualitativa, fundamentou-se no m?todo do Materialismo Dial?tico Hist?rico e apoiou-se em um conjunto de referenciais te?ricos relacionados ?s categorias te?ricas centrais, quais sejam: esfera p?blica, pol?tica social, participa??o social, educa??o n?o-formal, mobiliza??o social e controle social, oriundos de matrizes cr?ticas do pensamento social, particularmente, da ?rea das Ci?ncias Sociais Aplicadas (Direito, Sociologia, Educa??o e Servi?o Social). As t?cnicas utilizadas para coleta, tratamento e an?lise dos dados, referem-se a: Hist?ria Oral, Question?rio, Pesquisa Documental e An?lise de Conte?do, tendo como l?cus emp?rico a C?ritas Brasileira. Os resultados obtidos indicam que: a Educa??o N?o-Formal est? voltada a um modelo de educa??o permanente, que tem ra?zes na metodologia da educa??o popular. Sua materializa??o ocorre atrav?s de processos educativos constru?dos de forma coletiva, democr?tica e participativa pelos sujeitos envolvidos, nos territ?rios onde est?o inseridos; a mobiliza??o social configura-se como processo permanente de organiza??o e articula??o de diferentes sujeitos sociais, em torno de objetivos comuns, com vista a mudan?a da realidade em que se encontram; o controle social se constitui como processo de participa??o da sociedade civil organizada, com vistas a intervir na gest?o p?blica. Se viabiliza de forma coletiva atrav?s da formula??o, delibera??o, gerenciamento financeiro, acompanhamento da execu??o e avalia??o de pol?ticas p?blicas. O efetivo controle social sup?e a articula??o entre espa?os institucionalizados e n?o-institucionalizados de participa??o. Verificou-se tamb?m que a participa??o social, constitui-se como processo coletivo, de exerc?cio da democracia participativa. Busca-se fortalecer a capacidade de incid?ncia pol?tica dos sujeitos envolvidos nos processos decis?rios, junto ? esfera p?blica, com vistas ? garantia e amplia??o de direitos e de pol?ticas p?blicas. Diante do exposto, a conclus?o do estudo nos remete a emerg?ncia da seguinte tese: A participa??o da sociedade civil na constitui??o da esfera p?blica integra o complexo, contradit?rio e fecundo processo de democratiza??o, que se traduz na disputa por um modelo de Estado. Nesse processo, a incid?ncia dessa participa??o vem se efetivando nos espa?os institucionalizados e n?o institucionalizados, a partir de m?ltiplos territ?rios, organiza??es, sujeitos e experi?ncias que traduzem interesses de classe. Logo, pode fortalecer a constitui??o dessa sociedade civil como sociedade pol?tica, com potencialidade para a constru??o contra hegem?nica de outro projeto societ?rio. Isto permitiria a supera??o do projeto vigente, que reduz essa participa??o ? fun??o complementar na execu??o das pol?ticas sociais p?blicas.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T13:20:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 462521.pdf: 2954329 bytes, checksum: 63e938ace6778c8888ba7b37460f49d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-29 / This thesis deals with the construction of the right to health care with the participation of and emphasis on the dialectic reading of the history of the public policies on health care in Brazil since the conception of the health movement, in a contextof State reforms and of the construction of the popular democratic project. Its goal is to analyze how the debate about SUS [Unified Health Care System] materializes as a model of universal care, in the public spaces as of the political participation of the collective actors of the popular field in the reform movement. Thus, the indicators which guided the analysis are: what political participation could have produced health care as a social right? and: how are the public spaces conformed within the institutional design of health care in RS? This was done based on the documental analysis of the CES [State Health Conferences] Resolutions/RS, the Conference Reports and State Health Plans which guided the historical path. Besides this, fourteen collective actors indicated based on the technique of the snow ball , through thematic oral narrative, contributed by explaining the main strategies, articulations, mobilizations and political education in this process. These actors are identified with the union movement (Fetag [Agricultural Workers Federation]/RS, the Rural Department of CUT [Worker s Unified Center] Fetraf [Family Agriculture Federation]/South), the Sindsepe [Public Servants Union]/RS, the Sindfarm [Pharmacists Union]/RS, the community Movement, the Fracab [Riograndense Federation of Community Associations and Neighborhood Associations] /RS, as well as CUT/RS, the NGOs (CAMP [Multi-professional Consultancy Center]/RS, CEAP [Center of Popular Education and Consultancy]/RS), the social movements (MMC [Rural Women s Movement]/RS), Mental Health Forum, the church (CEBs [Ecclesial Base Communities]), besides the professional representation (Cress [Regional Social Work Council]) and the Philanthropic Hospitals Federation of RS. The narratives were obtained through interviews collected and taped with authorization, transcribed and codified by the NVIVO Software, a system of qualitative analysis which makes possible a more rapid organization, presentation, interpretation and disclosure of the data. The content analysis according to Bardin (1977) was used. The results indicate that this movement or these movements defending the right to health care and the institution of SUS can be divided into three phases: the first occurred toward the end of the 70s and beginning of the 80s. During this period the mobilizing political agenda of the social movements was the construction and the guarantee of rights in the perspective of Social Security, land, work and access to health care. In the public spaces the struggle was for autonomy with regard to the traditional structures. And the strategies used by the collective actors were base organization, mobilization, political articulation and formation. These are tools potentialized by the strategy of Popular Education, through base nuclei, discussion groups, health care commissions and also the Seminars and the Congresses. It is a movement which forms its leaders as well as disputes spaces in society. In the second phase, now in the context of the 90s, one observes, on the one side, a movement for Political Democratization, with regulation of rights through legislation, a new conception of health care with participation in the public spaces, having as particularities the decentralization of the CES/RS in RS and, on the other side,a context of State Reforms with advancement of the Neoliberal Project, with an ebbing of the social movements and purposeful resistance in the public spaces, centrality in administration, allied to the advance of the Privatist Project . And a third phasewith an emphasis on the model of national development; in RS, however, the health care crisis deepens, one perceives the advance of the Public Foundations of Private Law and an increasing loss of deliberative power of the Health Councils. New resistance movements arise bringing into the scenario some historic struggles, the political representation , direct participation , representativeness and still other issues such as quality and access to health care actions and services, among others. One observes that, stemming from the political participation of the leader workers and their strategies of mobilization, organization, articulation and political education as a tool of popular education it was possible to construct the necessary mediations among the societal political forces (social movements, unions, churches, NGOs) and the state political forces (government and its institutions, workers, parties) for a Popular Project in the 80s. However, in the 90s, on the one side, we see the ebbing of the social movements, a participation of purposeful resistance in the public spaces and a loss of political strength in the popular field and, on the other side, the centralization of power in the administrations and the judicialization of rights. However, the public spaces of the Health Councils and Conferences still maintain some power in the mediation of the relations between the State and the society, but they need to include new collective actors and guarantee a plurality in the participation. / Esta tese trata da constru??o do direito ? sa?de com participa??o e ?nfase na leitura dial?tica da hist?ria das pol?ticas p?blicas de sa?de no Brasil a partir da concep??o do movimento sanit?rio, em um contexto de reformas do Estado e de constru??o do projeto democr?tico popular. Ela tem a finalidade de analisar como se materializa o debate do SUS, enquanto modelo de aten??o universal, nos espa?os p?blicos a partir da participa??o pol?tica dos atores coletivos do campo popular no movimento de reformas. Assim, os indicadores que orientaram a an?lise s?o: que participa??o pol?tica pode ter produzido a sa?de como direito social? e como se conformam os espa?os p?blicos no desenho institucional na sa?de no RS? Isso foi feito a partir da an?lise documental das Resolu??es do CES/RS, dos Relat?rios das Confer?ncias e dos Planos Estaduais de Sa?de, que orientou o caminho hist?rico. Ademais, quatorze atores coletivos indicados a partir da t?cnica da bola de neve, via narrativa oral tem?tica, contribu?ram explicitando as principais estrat?gias, as articula??es, as mobiliza??es e a educa??o pol?tica nesse processo. Esses atores est?o identificados com o movimento sindical (Fetag/RS, o Departamento Rural da CUT Fetraf/Sul), o Sindsepe/RS, o Sindfarm/RS, o Movimento comunit?rio, a Fracab/RS, bem como a CUT/RS, as ONGs (CAMP/RS, CEAP/RS), os movimentos sociais (MMC/RS), o F?rum de Sa?de Mental, a igreja (CEBs), al?m da representa??o profissional (Cress) e segmentos da Federa??o dos Hospitais Filantr?picos do RS. As narrativas foram obtidas por meio de entrevistas coletadas egravadas com autoriza??o, transcritas e codificadas pelo Software NVIVO, sistema de an?lise qualitativa que possibilita a organiza??o, apresenta??o, interpreta??o e divulga??o mais r?pida dos dados. Utilizou-se a an?lise de conte?do segundo Bardin (1977). Os resultados indicam que esse movimento ou esses movimentos em defesa do direito ? sa?de e da institui??o do SUS podem ser divididos em tr?s fases: a primeira ocorreu em fins dos anos de 1970 e in?cio dos anos de 1980. Nesse per?odo, a agenda pol?tica mobilizadora dos movimentos sociais era a constru??o e a garantia de direitos na perspectiva da Seguridade Social, terra, trabalho e acesso ? sa?de. J? nos espa?os p?blicos a luta era pela autonomia em rela??o ?s estruturas tradicionais. E as estrat?gias utilizadas pelos atores coletivos foram a organiza??o de base, a mobiliza??o, a articula??o e a forma??o pol?tica. Trata-se de ferramentas potencializadas pela estrat?gia da Educa??o Popular, via n?cleos de base, dos grupos de discuss?o, das comiss?es de sa?de e ainda dos Semin?rios e dos Congressos. ? um movimento que tanto forma seus dirigentes quanto disputa espa?os na sociedade. Na segunda fase, j? no contexto dos anos de 1990, constata-se, de um lado, um movimento de Democratiza??o Pol?tica, com regulamenta??o de direitos via legisla??o, nova concep??o de sa?de com participa??o nos espa?os p?blicos, tendo como particularidades a descentraliza??o do CES/RS no RS e, de outro, um contexto de Reformas do Estado com avan?o do Projeto Neoliberal, com refluxo dosmovimentos sociais e resist?ncia propositiva nos espa?os p?blicos, centralidade na gest?o, aliados ao avan?o do Projeto Privatista. E uma terceira fase 2003 com ?nfase no modelo de desenvolvimento nacional; no RS, por?m, aprofunda-se a crise na sa?de, percebe-se o avan?o das Funda??es P?blicas de Direito Privado e a crescente perda de poder deliberativo dos Conselhos de Sa?de. Surgem novos movimentos de resist?ncia, trazendo para o cen?rio algumas lutas hist?ricas, a representa??o pol?tica, a participa??o direta, a representatividade e ainda quest?es como qualidade e acesso a a??es e servi?os de sa?de, dentre outras. Constata-se que, a partir da participa??o pol?tica dos trabalhadores dirigentes e de suas estrat?gias de mobiliza??o, de organiza??o, de articula??o e de educa??o pol?tica ( fazer com ) enquanto ferramenta da educa??o popular foi poss?vel construir as media??es necess?rias entre as for?as pol?ticas societais (movimentos sociais, sindicais, igrejas, ONGs) e as for?as pol?ticas estatais (governo e suas institui??es, trabalhadores, partidos) para um Projeto popular nos anos de 1980. J? nos anos de 1990, de um lado, vemos o refluxo dos movimentos sociais, uma participa??o de resist?ncia propositiva nos espa?os p?blicos e a perda de for?a pol?tica do campo popular e, de outro, a centralidade do poder nas gest?es e a judicializa??o dos direitos. Entretanto, os espa?os p?blicos dos Conselhos e das Confer?ncias de Sa?de ainda mant?m certa pot?ncia na media??o das rela??es entre o Estado e a sociedade, mas necessitam incluir novos atores coletivos e garantir a pluralidade na participa??o.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-15T13:31:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Joao Rocha.pdf: 1917512 bytes, checksum: ca213c46f4cd7249da8f40091299ce92 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-07-19 / This paper seeks to analyze the process of implementation of the Participative Budget in Alagoinhas- BA (2001-2005). The historic molding of the practice of citizenship in Brazil imposed an anti-participation of the popular classes and of the different social subjects including the political class and the civil society that has been facing a new form of administration that have adopted social participation and direct democracy as the basic primacy; as well as how to understand up to which point the Participative Budget has contributed to social participation, local authority and a health system with a greater resolubility. The study is of qualitative nature in a historical-social perspective. The working up process of the Participative Budget includes various social subjects (govemment, social movements and legislative power) with educational matrixes of political, social, cultural and ideological meaning that made possible the dialogue between the subjects and the object of the study. The semi-structured interview was used so to permit a greater freedom for the interviewer as well as the person interviewed in order to contribute to the development of the proposed theme through its form of leaming the reality it lives in. The participative observation of the elaboration, execution and evaluation of the Participative Budget and the consulting of documents that portray its implementation had a complementary character. The treatment of the empiric material had as basis the contents analysis, taking into account the multiple dimensions of the investigative process, in the description, explanation and comprehension of the study in focus. The study reveals that the Participative Budget is build as a pedagogical instrument of citizenship of social control and local power upon the use of public resources. The Participative Budget conforms itself as a democratic and participative project with popular support, being implemented as of 2001 with advances and set backs in its process of formation with regard to social participation. There existed convergence among the people interviewed in the acknowledgment of the Participative Budget as a tool of social control of the municipal executive and legislative actions by the civil society and the formation of different subjects to perform citizenship. One of the consensual questions, for the advocates as well as the opponents of the Participative Budget, was the definition and election of an excessive number of priorities in 2001 and 2002. Their putting into practice would result in an expenditure of funds fairly above the investment capacity of the municipality. Hence it was not possible to define new priorities as long as the ones that had been defined previously were carried out, causing political wear to the Participative Budget members. Nevertheless the govemment nucleus showed understanding as to the claims of the people of Alagoinhas making possible a democratic discussion of the problems that are present in the local govemment. The survey identified that from 2001 on, the local govemment got the full administration of the health care system receiving direct funds from the Ministry of Health without the state intermediacy. This process represented not only a greater entrance of resources from the national fund into the municipal health fund, but also an increase in the counterpart of the local govemment in health investments. It was concluded that the Participative Budget is a process of participative construction and of citizenship permeated by conf1icts and contradictions in the service of the social necessities of a local reality. / Esta disserta??o busca analisar o processo de implementa??o do or?amento participativo no munic?pio de Alagoinhas, entre 2001-2005. Considerando o hist?rico cerceamento do exerc?cio da cidadania no Brasil, que imp?s uma antiparticipa??o das camadas populares, aqui se prop?e investigar, como os diferentes sujeitos sociais, incluindo a Classe Pol?tica e a Sociedade Civil, se confrontaram ante uma nova forma de gest?o que tinha a Participa??o Social e a democracia direta como primado b?sico. Assim como compreender at? ponto o or?amento participativo (OP) contribuiu para ampliar a Participa??o Social, o Poder Local, um sistema de sa?de com maior resolubilidade para a popula??o e o exerc?cio da cidadania plena conquistando melhor qualidade de vida para os mun?cipes alagoinhenses. Toma como pressupostos te?ricos b?sicos a conforma??o social do poder pol?tico, econ?mico, cultural e ideol?gico no espa?o local e nacional que buscou historicamente dificultar de todas as formas o exerc?cio da cidadania pelas camadas populares e a implementa??o do OP, como um instrumento de mobiliza??o da sociedade civil, o que contribuiu para ampliar a Participa??o Social e o Poder Local no processo de constru??o da cidadania. Esse foi permeado por conflitos e contradi??es, pela complexidade das demandas e necessidades sociais apresentadas pelos diferentes sujeitos sociais (gestores, trabalhadores, usu?rios, lideran?as comunit?rias, e opositores) no cen?rio local. Tratava-se de um estudo de natureza qualitativa, em uma perspectiva hist?rico-social, cr?tica e reflexiva. Ao analisar o processo de elabora??o do OP , incluindo diferentes sujeitos sociais (Governo, Movimentos Sociais e Poder Legislativo) com diferentes matrizes formativas de cunho pol?tico, econ?mico, social, cultural e ideol?gico que possibilitou interlocu??es entre os sujeitos e objeto de estudo, exigindo assim uma abordagem cr?tica que buscasse em determinado lugar e tempo hist?rico o fundamento do processo. Optou-se pela entrevista semi-estruturada, por permitir maior liberdade tanto ao pesquisador, quanto ao entrevistado, de contribuir para o desenvolvimento do tema proposto, atrav?s da sua forma de apreender a realidade em que vive. A observa??o participante da elabora??o, execu??o e avalia??o do OP e a consulta aos documentos que retrataram a sua implementa??o tiveram car?ter complementar. Foi feitas a an?lise vertical e horizontal dos dados coletados pelas entrevistas, e triangula??o com a observa??o participante e os documentos, contemplando as m?ltiplas dimens?es do processo investigativo, na descri??o, explica??o e compreens?o do foco em estudo. Teve-se como objetivo analisar o processo de implementa??o do OP em Alagoinhas-BA, no per?odo 2001/2005, discutir a participa??o dos diferentes sujeitos sociais (Classe Pol?tica e Sociedade Civil), na constru??o do OP como instrumento pedag?gico de cidadania, e apontar as articula??es entre as demandas da sa?de e o OP. Se no in?cio prevaleceu interesse corporativo na defini??o de prioridades de cada comunidade, posteriormente os aspectos coletivos foram mais valorizados. O governo foi "blindado" pelo trabalho do OP, ao se conseguir aprovar 84 dos 86 projetos enviados ? C?mara Municipal que fora contr?ria ao processo durante 2001/2004. O OP representou um caminho para as camadas populares conquistarem importante espa?o no Pode Local. O OP demonstrou ser um instrumento pedag?gico de cidadania. Contudo, urge maior investimento na qualifica??o dos conselheiros do OP .

Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-07-18T20:16:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_LUCIANA_SARAIVA_DE_OLIVEIRA_JERONIMO_COMPLETO.pdf: 8895476 bytes, checksum: ae8c42ff4ce9d5f0621048f5acad4fc3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-18T20:16:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_LUCIANA_SARAIVA_DE_OLIVEIRA_JERONIMO_COMPLETO.pdf: 8895476 bytes, checksum: ae8c42ff4ce9d5f0621048f5acad4fc3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-04 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The dialogue between state government and citizen held in a digital platform for public consultation is the source of this investigation. Based on Bakhtin?s phenomenological method and Haberma?s program in formal pragmatics, the thesis analyzes the online verbal interaction materialized on digital public consultation to identify characteristics and to define the type of rational-concrete-intentional dialogue required to expand the popular participation on Public Administration. The interpretation of the online verbal interaction structure occur on two levels. The first level explores the dialogism between the governor enunciation and the citizen enunciation that are written and posted on the Rio Grande do Sul state homepage, called ?Gabinete Digital?. The second level examines and exposes the materiality of communicative rationality within this interaction process. The two levels reveal the pragmatic and the semantic dimensions of the dialogue. The research practice is divided in three steps. First of all, the digital public consultation description (empirical research context). Secondly, the qualitative analysis of the enunciative sequences without neglecting their individual enunciation in each digital public consultation. Thirdly, the data interpretation based on the mobilized theoretical support, which helped to define the characteristics and form of dialogue that is identified after the investigation. The type of dialogue that arises from research is named online thematic dialogue between state government and citizen, producing a narrow sense of dialogue that takes place in conditions and empirical context investigated, and it differs from other forms of dialogue. This new concept of dialogue will be able to contribute to develop guidelines, methodologies and assessment strategies to readapt the digital public consultation, amplifying the citizen influence and improving the citizen participation on political decisions. / O di?logo entre governo e cidad?os realizado, por meio de consulta p?blica digital, ? a base desta investiga??o. Baseada no m?todo fenomenol?gico bakhtiniano e na pragm?tica habermasiana, esta tese pretende analisar a intera??o verbal on-line materializada nas consultas p?blicas digitais, identificando suas caracter?sticas, definindo o tipo de di?logo racional, concreto e intencional que amplie a participa??o do cidad?o na Administra??o P?blica. Utilizou-se dois n?veis de abstra??es para se observar a estrutura de intera??o verbal on-line. O primeiro n?vel explora o dialogismo entre os enunciados do governo e dos cidad?os ga?chos, escritos e postados, no espa?o ?Govenador Pergunta? do site ?Gabinete Digital? do RS. O segundo n?vel, examina e exp?e a materialidade da racionalidade comunicativa nesse processo de intera??o. Os dois n?veis revelam as dimens?es pragm?tica e sem?ntica do di?logo. A pr?tica investigativa foi dividida em tr?s etapas. A primeira, a descri??o das consultas p?blicas digitais, contexto emp?rico desta pesquisa. A segunda, a an?lise qualitativa das sequ?ncias enunciativas e dos seus respectivos enunciados individuais, em cada consulta p?blica digital. E, a terceira, a interpreta??o, que consistiu em um interlocu??o entre o aporte te?rico mobilizado e os dados reunidos sobre as sequ?ncias enunciativas, por meio da qual chega-se ?s caracter?sticas e ? forma como esse di?logo se apresenta ap?s esta investiga??o. P?de-se, ent?o, denominar de di?logo tem?tico on-line entre governo e cidad?os o tipo de di?logo que se viu materializado em uma das consultas p?blicas digitais, produzindo um sentido restrito de di?logo que acontece nas condi??es e contexto emp?rico investigado, e que se diferencia das demais formas de di?logo. Esse conceito pode contribuir para a elabora??o de diretrizes, metodologias e estrat?gias de avalia??o mais adequadas ? consulta p?blica digital, tanto como forma de ampliar a influ?ncia do cidad?o, quanto forma de melhorar a aten??o, ao que eles dizem como aux?lio ? produ??o de decis?es pol?tica e administrativa mais acertadas.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:38:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 RitaCAAM.pdf: 591381 bytes, checksum: e6d1abc1fb48d05e8a3058965caf8339 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-04-29 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The study does a analysis about the social participation of teenagers in the healthy sexual and reproductive Programs in Natal/RN city, in the perspective of Protagonism Juvenile, that presuppose the teenager condition like main actor and subject of the right and obligations. In front of this, the aim this search is to discuss and analyse the juvenile protagonism and theirpolitic , pedagogics and soscial means, to go off on to the participation of teenagers like social subject in the healthy sexual and reproductive Programs in Natal/Rn city. The way to the teoric reflexion this study privileged the approach historic-member, being assisted by quality methodology, to making useful an interview semistructured with teenagers, families and co-ordinators of the Programs. The social participation of the teenagers, in these programs, reaffirm itself like a proposal politic-pedagogical that contribute to the development of competences of the teenagers and improvement of habilities in the treatment of the questions about heathy sexual and reprodutive,valorizing the condition of the social subjects, in the perspective of the protagonism juvenile. The relevance this study to be detached by the contribution in the building and implementation of the programs politic-pedagogical, that affirm to the teenagers the condition of the right and obligations / O estudo faz uma an?lise sobre a participa??o social dos adolescentes nos Programas de Sa?de Sexual e Reprodutiva na cidade do Natal/RN, na perspectiva do Protagonismo Juvenil, que pressup?e a condi??o do jovem como ator principal e sujeito de direitos e deveres. Diante disso, o objetivo desta pesquisa ? a de discutir e analisar o protagonismo juvenil e seus significados pol?ticos, pedag?gicos e sociais, rumo a um estudo da participa??o dos adolescentes como sujeitos sociais nos Programas de Sa?de Sexual e Reprodutiva, em Natal, Rio Grande do Norte. O caminho trilhado para a reflex?o te?rica deste estudo privilegiou a abordagem s?cio-hist?rica, sendo amparado pela metodologia qualitativa, utilizando-se a entrevista semi-estruturada com adolescentes, familiares e coordenadores dos referidos Programas. A participa??o social dos adolescentes, nestes programas, reafirma-se como uma proposta pol?tico-pedag?gica que contribui para o desenvolvimento de compet?ncias dos adolescentes e aperfei?oamento de habilidades no trato das quest?es sobre sa?de sexual e reprodutiva, valorizando a condi??o de sujeitos sociais, na perspectiva do protagonismo juvenil. A relev?ncia deste estudo destaca-se pela contribui??o na constru??o e implementa??o de programas pol?tico-pedag?gicos, que assegurem aos adolescentes a condi??o de sujeito de direitos e deveres

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:40:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FernandaFG.pdf: 2354279 bytes, checksum: 47db6f147e9f7dea16659630213c50d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-17 / The general purpose of the study was the analysis of residents' participation in the program of door-by-door collection of recyclable residuals in Natal, Rio Grande do Norte. Even though the conception of such program by municipal managers was basically aimed at providing job opportunities and income for the collectors, the main objective of the investigation was to verify whether residents' participation could be attributed to their environmental commitment. Data collection involved three municipal districts and was performed in three stages, with complementary methodological strategies (observation, questionnaire, and interview), and characterized by selfevaluation, by residents, and hetero-evaluation, by collectors. Social, demographic, situational/contextual, and dispositional data were identified to help in the analysis of residents' adherence to the program. Separating and delivering recyclable residuals was the most frequent type of residents' participation, which demonstrates their low level of appropriation of decisions related to the program, taking part on it as passive agents. Two forms of motivation towards participating in the program were found: environmental and social. Despite the first being more frequent, it was associated to lack of environmental awareness related to the process, which may very well imply a mere reproduction of pro-environmental discourse. Motivation towards social issues was strongly connected to philanthropic forms of help. Knowledge was revealed as na important predictor for participation, as well as social networks, formed by neighbors, relatives and friends. Despite the social emphasis in the design of the program, it is possible to conclude that some residents also perceive its environmental benefits, possibly as consequence of a knowledge originated outside the program. Initiatives of environmental education should be promoted in order to minimize the allegation of lack of knowledge as justification for non-participation. Similarly, actions to put together municipal management and population would be welcome, to promote joint decisions towards sustainable styles of life / O prop?sito deste estudo foi investigar a participa??o do morador no programa de coleta seletiva de lixo domiciliar na modalidade porta em porta existente em Natal-RN. Buscou-se compreender se essa participa??o ? decorr?ncia de compromisso pr?ambiental do morador, apesar de a concep??o do programa por seus gestores ter sido fortemente embasada na cria??o de trabalho e renda para os catadores. A coleta de dados envolveu tr?s bairros da cidade e foi realizada em tr?s etapas, de estrat?gias metodol?gicas complementares (observa??o, question?rio e entrevista), com destaque para a auto- e hetero-avalia??o realizadas, respectivamente, por moradores e catadores. Identificaram-se as condi??es s?cio-demogr?ficas, situacionais/contextuais e disposicionais que determinam a ades?o do morador ao programa. Verificou-se que a separa??o e entrega do material ? o tipo de participa??o mais freq?ente dos moradores no programa, o que demonstra que eles se apropriam pouco do processo decis?rio, participando de modo passivo. Existem duas motiva??es principais para a participa??o no programa: ambiental e social. Embora a primeira seja a mais freq?ente, constata-se pouca conscientiza??o ambiental associada ao processo, o que pode ser reflexo de uma mera reprodu??o do discurso pr?-ambiental vigente. A motiva??o por quest?es sociais se apresenta fortemente relacionada ? ajuda ao pr?ximo/filantropia. Conhecimento apresentou-se como um indicador importante para a participa??o, que tamb?m sofre influ?ncia das redes sociais, formadas por vizinhos, parentes e amigos. Pode-se concluir que, a despeito de o desenho do programa enfatizar o social, alguns moradores percebem tamb?m o benef?cio ambiental embutido, possivelmente como fruto de um conhecimento oriundo de fontes externas ao programa. Programas de educa??o ambiental, que minimizem o argumento do desconhecimento como justificativa para a n?o-participa??o, e a??es que aproximem gest?o municipal e popula??o deveriam ser promovidos, a fim de que se decida conjuntamente sobre as atividades que buscam a sustentabilidade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007 Edson Vanda Pereira dos Santos.pdf: 533174 bytes, checksum: 5cb3ae7cec0de8cdb0a28cf90a2b0f97 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-30 / Anchored in the speech of the "environmental " ethics and of the " maintainable " development, a variety of international agencies settled in the Amazonian with the objective of contributing, starting from projects of philanthropic " stamp ", in the development of communities extrativistas. In local level, they create spaces of electric outlet of decision that, a priori, they place the affected communities as main actors in the implantation of autonomous and endogenous " models " of development. Analyzing the community participation in the Programa Biodiversidade Brasil-It?lia / I Project Cazumb?-Iracema (Acre) starting from the operacionaliza??o of indicators of democratic governan?a, we identified strong evidences that the democratic participation of the community local leaderships in the centers decis?rios of the Programa Biodiversidade Brasil-It?lia it is only part of your rhetoric. The conclusion the one that we arrived is that, in the ambit of the Program, the practice of the democratic governan?a doesn't exist. The research has as study area the Reserva Extrativista Cazumb?-Iracema, located in the municipal districts of Sena Madureira and Manuel Urbano, State of Acre. / Ancorados no discurso da ?tica ambiental e do desenvolvimento sustent?vel , uma variedade de ag?ncias internacionais se instalou na Amaz?nia com o objetivo de contribuir, a partir de projetos de cunho filantr?pico , no desenvolvimento de comunidades extrativistas. Em n?vel local, criam espa?os de tomada de decis?o que, a priori, colocam as comunidades afetadas como atores principais na implanta??o de modelos aut?nomos e end?genos de desenvolvimento. Analisando a participa??o comunit?ria no Programa Biodiversidade Brasil-It?lia / Projeto Cazumb?-Iracema (Acre) a partir da operacionaliza??o de indicadores de governan?a democr?tica, identificamos fortes evid?ncias de que a participa??o democr?tica das lideran?as locais comunit?rias nos centros decis?rios do Programa Biodiversidade Brasil-It?lia faz parte somente da sua ret?rica. A conclus?o a que chegamos ? de que, no ?mbito do Programa, n?o existe a pr?tica da governan?a democr?tica. A pesquisa tem como ?rea de estudo a Reserva Extrativista Cazumb?-Iracema, localizada nos munic?pios de Sena Madureira e Manuel Urbano, Estado do Acre.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2008 - Joao Nuno da Silva Pinto.pdf: 1854618 bytes, checksum: 80db8de495f4add80422be8c72cd6fb4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-29 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The present research analyses the process of construction of the food security policy in Angola from the view of the existing public policies and of the actors involved. Within this process, the formulation of the National Food Security Programme (PNSAN) and the constitution of the Civil Society Network for Food Security in Angola were particularly analysed. The main results of this research show that the introduction of food security in the Angolan agenda happened through the combat to poverty in a context of growing stability, which was possible due to the end of the civil war. The research has also revealed that the construction of this policy is taking on an intersectoral character, following the approach adopted in Brazil, which creates several restrictions and challenges and imposes new institutional arrangements by the government. Moreover, this research has revealed how the articulation of civil society in a food security network can create new perspectives towards increasing social participation in this matter. / A presente pesquisa analisa o processo de constru??o da pol?tica de seguran?a alimentar em Angola do ponto de vista das pol?ticas p?blicas existentes e dos atores envolvidos. No ?mbito desse processo deu-se destaque ? formula??o do Programa Nacional de Seguran?a Alimentar (PNSAN) e ? constitui??o da Rede da Sociedade Civil para a Seguran?a Alimentar em Angola. Os principais resultados da pesquisa mostram que a entrada da seguran?a alimentar na agenda angolana se d? pela via do combate ? pobreza num contexto de crescente estabilidade possibilitado pelo fim da guerra civil. Mostra tamb?m que a constru??o da pol?tica est? assumindo tra?os de intersetorialidade, no encal?o do enfoque adotado pelo Brasil, o que coloca uma s?rie de limites e desafios obrigando o governo a adotar novos arranjos institucionais. Al?m disso, mostra como a articula??o da sociedade numa rede tem?tica de seguran?a alimentar pode abrir novas perspectivas com vista ao aumento da participa??o social nessa mat?ria.