After the Asian financial crisis, the relationship between China and ASEAN has been strengthened; meanwhile, the influence of U.S. in Southeast Asia has been gradually decreased. The rise of China challenges status quo in the region. According to the Neo-realism, national interests depend on national power to put into effect. China and U.S. compete through cooperation with ASEAN in political, economical, traditional and untraditional security and sub-region fields which shape the new order in Southeast Asia. This thesis is divided into five parts and the conclusion of analysis could be as the policy recommendation for the government of R.O.C.¡¦s decision making on Southeast Asia policy.

Abstract This thesis mainly researches in the Internet development and impact of Mainland China. With the theory of corporatism, it also analyzes the development of internet and how the control measures of the Communist Party of China change the relation between state and society . This thesis has reviewed why the Communist Party of China developed the Internet and its restrictions and present situation of Internet. However, the Internet users have tried everything to obtain the unaccessible message. Recently, every leader of the Communist Party of China has declared for the development of Internet sequentially. At the same time, they still insist the restriction of Internet and even aggravated it with the technology of western network information corporations. In the past two years, the Mainland China has established the association of China Internet made up of Internet Services Providers as a medium to control increasing Internet users by staging self-control actions and settin report procedures. But the Communist Party of China still fails to get rid of the dilemma of controlling or developing the Internet.

Yes / With the social distancing measures implemented during Pandemic Covid 19, many peaceful assemblies have attempted to restructure, equip, and empower themselves creatively for online gathering. This incident emphasises the importance of digital tools, such as the Internet and ICTs, in exercising online rights to peaceful assembly and association. Given the above, this article attempts to deliberate on transforming rights to the peaceful assembly from offline to online and the legal challenges attached. The authors argue that the right to peaceful assembly and association is vital to ensuring enhanced transparency and accountability in implementing human rights policies within countries. / This research is financially supported under the fundamental national research grant No. FRGS/1/2020/SSI0/MSU/03/1bythe Ministry of Higher Education (MOHE) andManagement and Science University, Selangor, Malaysia.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation explores the utility of using Complexity studies to improve our understanding of peacebuilding and the coherence dilemma, which is regarded as one of the most significant problems facing peacebuilding interventions. Peacebuilding is said to be complex, and this study investigates what this implies, and asks whether Complexity could be of use in improving our understanding of the assumed causal link between coherence, effectiveness and sustainability. Peacebuilding refers to all actions undertaken by the international community and local actors to consolidate the peace – to prevent a (re)lapse into violent conflict – in a given conflict-prone system. The nexus between development, governance, politics and security has become a central focus of the international effort to manage transitions, and peacebuilding is increasingly seen as the collective framework within which these diverse dimensions of conflict management can be brought together in one common framework. The coherence dilemma refers to the persistent gap between policy-level assumptions about the value and causal role of coherence in the effectiveness of peacebuilding and empirical evidence to the contrary from peacebuilding practice. The dissertation argues that the peacebuilding process is challenged by enduring and deep-rooted tensions and contradictions, and that there are thus inherent limits and constraints regarding the degree to which coherence can be achieved in any particular peacebuilding context. On the basis of the application of the general characteristics of Complexity to peacebuilding, the following three recommendations reflect the core findings of the study: (1) Peacebuilders need to concede that they cannot, from the outside, definitively analyse complex conflicts and design ‘solutions’ on behalf of a local society. Instead, they should facilitate inductive processes that assist knowledge to emerge from the local context, and such knowledge needs to be understood as provisional and subject to a continuous process of refinement and adaptation. (2) Peacebuilders have to recognise that self-sustainable peace is directly linked to, and influenced by, the extent to which a society has the capacity, and space, to selforganise. For peace consolidation to be self-sustainable, it has to be the result of a home-grown, bottom-up and context-specific process. (3) Peacebuilders need to acknowledge that they cannot defend the choices they make on the basis of pre-determined models or lessons learned elsewhere. The ethical implications of their choices have to be considered in the local context, and the effects of their interventions - intended and unintended - need to be continuously assessed against the lived-experience of the societies they are assisting. Peacebuilding should be guided by the principle that those who will have to live with the consequences should have the agency to make decisions about their own future. The art of peacebuilding lies in pursuing the appropriate balance between international support and home-grown solutions. The dissertation argues that the international community has, to date, failed to find this balance. As a result, peacebuilding has often contributed to the very societal weaknesses and fragilities that it was meant to resolve. On the basis of these insights, the dissertation concludes with a call for a significant re-balancing of the relationship between international influence and local agency, where the role of the external peacebuilder is limited to assisting, facilitating and stimulating the capacity of the local society to self-organise. The dissertation thus argues for reframing peacebuilding as something that must be essentially local. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die toepaslikheid van Kompleksiteitstudies om ons begrip van vredesbou en die dilemma van koherensie te verbeter, wat as een van die gewigtigste probleme vir die toetrede tot vredesbou beskou kan word. Vredesbou word as kompleks beskou en die implikasies van hierdie siening word in hierdie proefskrif ondersoek. Dienooreenkomstig word die vraag na die nut van Kompleksiteitstudies vir die verbetering van ons begrip van die veronderstelde kousale verband tussen koherensie, doeltreffendheid en volhoubaarheid aangespreek. Vredesbou verwys na alle handelinge wat deur die internasionale gemeenskap en plaaslike belanghebbendes onderneem word om vrede binne ʼn gegewe sisteem, wat neig na konflik, te konsolideer om sodoende ’n (her)verval in gewelddadige konflik te voorkom. Die aanknopingspunt tussen ontwikkeling, staatsbestuur, staatkunde en sekuriteit is tans die sentrale fokus van die internasionale poging om sodanige oorgange te beheer, en vredesbou word toenemend as ’n kollektiewe raamwerk beskou, waarbinne hierdie onderskeie dimensies van konflikbestuur in een gemeenskaplike raamwerk saamgebring kan word. Die koherensiedilemma verwys na die voortdurende gaping tussen beleidsvlakaannames ten opsigte van die waarde en kousale rol van koherensie vir die doeltreffendheid van vredesboupogings en empiriese data vanuit die vredesboupraktyk wat hierdie aanvaarde kousale verband weerspreek. Die proefskrif toon dat vredesboupogings uitgedaag word deur voortdurende en diepgewortelde spanninge en teenstrydighede, en dat daar dus inherente beperkings en stremmings is ten opsigte van die mate waartoe koherensie binne enige spesifieke vredesboukonteks moontlik is. Op grond van die toepassing van die algemene kenmerke van Kompleksiteitstudies op die vredesbouproses, weerspieël die volgende drie aanbevelings die kernbevindings van die studie: (1) Vredesbouers moet toegee dat hulle nie daartoe in staat is om komplekse konflikte van buite af bepalend te analiseer en ‘oplossings’ namens ’n plaaslike gemeenskap te ontwerp nie. Hulle behoort eerder induktiewe prosesse te fasiliteer om ondersteuning te bied sodat kennis uit die plaaslike konteks na vore kom, en sodanige kennis moet as voorlopig en onderhewig aan ’n voortdurende proses tot verfyning en aanpassing, verstaan word. (2) Vredesbouers moet besef dat die selfvolhoubaarheid van vrede direk verband hou met, en beïnvloed word deur, die mate waartoe ’n gemeenskap oor die vermoë tot en ruimte vir selforganisering beskik. Vir vredeskonsolidering om selfvolhoubaar te wees, moet die proses wat daartoe aanleiding gee inheems, van ‘onder-na-bo’ en konteks-spesifiek wees. (3) Vredesbouers moet aanvaar dat hulle nie die besluite wat hulle neem op grond van voorafbestaande modelle of lesse wat elders geleer is kan regverdig nie. Die etiese implikasies van hulle besluite moet in terme van die plaaslike konteks beoordeel word, en die effekte van hulle ingrepe – bepland en onbepland – moet voortdurend opgeweeg word teen die daaglikse ervaring van die samelewings wat bygestaan word. Vredesbehoupogings behoort gelei te word deur die beginsel dat diegene wat met die gevolge van die proses sal moet saamleef, die agentskap behoort te hê om besluite oor hulle eie toekoms te neem. Die kuns van vredesbou lê in die vasstel van ’n toepaslike balans tussen internasionale ondersteuning en inheemse oplossings. Die proefskrif se argument is dat die internasionale gemeenskap tot dusver daarin gefaal het om hierdie balans te vind. As gevolg hiervan het pogings tot vredesbou dikwels bygedra tot die presiese swakhede en broosheid in die gemeenskap wat dit veronderstel was om aan te spreek. Op grond van hierdie insigte sluit die proefskrif af met ’n beroep tot ’n betekenisvolle herbalansering van die verhouding tussen internasionale invloed en plaaslike agentskap, waarin die rol van die eksterne vredesbouer beperk moet word tot die ondersteuning, fasilitering en stimulering van die plaaslike gemeenskap se vermoë tot selforganisering. Die proefskrif bepleit dus dat vredesbou herontwerp word binne ’n essensieel plaaslike raamwerk.

International Dispute Settlement - selected aspects Abstract This diploma thesis deals with selected aspects of the international dispute settlement not only in current international public law but also in its history. The thesis is divided into five chapters which are also further divided into a number of subchapters depending on the complexity of each topic. The first chapter is dedicated to the definition of international dispute. Apart from that the chapter also deals with the obligation of states to settle their disputes and to settle them by peaceful means. The historical background of the international dispute settlement is described in the second chapter. Important events such as Hague Peace Conferences, founding of the League of Nations, the Briand-Kellog Pact and founding of the United Nations among others are all mentioned in this chapter because of their impact on the course of this field of international relations. The third chapter focuses on the analysis of the principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes and its link to other related principles of international law. The fourth chapter is dedicated to individual means of peaceful settlement. Every method is described individually, with a brief historical background, comparison to other methods and analysis of the application on specific...

The Committee of 100 (C100) (1960 – 68) were a British anti-nuclear protest group who campaigned for mass non-violent direct action (NVDA) in an effort to force the government to revise its defence policy. The formation of C100 created tensions with the already-established Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), whose leaders objected to C100's commitment to civil disobedience. The two anti-nuclear campaigns had some membership overlap but always remained separate. Until now, any investigation of C100 has been incorporated within wider studies of CND or has been quantitative in method. This thesis therefore addresses a historical gap by employing a life history approach to examine C100 as a distinct group. Drawing upon oral history interviews with twenty-four C100 members the resulting analysis reveals new aspects of C100's innovative structure and method, and identifies the particular nature of those who joined the campaign. A new image of first wave anti-nuclear activists emerges when focusing on C100 protestors. The respondents reveal motivations for campaign engagement that contrast with those of earlier representations of CND supporters. They were inspired by a common interest in global civil rights concerning human health and survival and a need to actively challenge rather than merely petition the authorities. Significantly, many C100 members came from left-wing, progressive or anarchist backgrounds. They were an erudite group with regard for knowledge, despite many putting conventional education on hold to fully engage in the campaign. This thesis examines C100's libertarian nature, and the extent to which its membership managed to be anti-hierarchical in structure, ethos and policy. It explores tensions within C100 concerning limits and definitions of NVDA that changed over time and came to radicalise the campaign. A biographical approach also reveals significant factors around C100 prison experience concerning issues of class and gender. This thesis serves to situate C100 for the first time in its own right on the socio-political map, both historically and globally.

This paper thoroughly studied the childhood, education, and job experiences of Hu Jintao, the present leader of Chinese Communist Party, and analyzed his personalities and cultural cultivation to understand his political character, behavior, and the thinking about policy on Taiwan. This paper includes six chapters. Chapter one includes the motive, objective, and the research method. Chapter two talks about the childhood of Hu Jintao. Chapter three describes how Hu became the fourth successive leader of Communist Party of China. Chapter four compares the 4 successive leaders and their policies on Taiwan. Chapter five discusses the consideration of Communist Party of China between its policy on Taiwan and international situation. Chapter six, the conclusion of this paper, brings out some suggestions for future thinking about foreign strategy toward China. After the 1949 civil war in China, the Government reined by Kuomintang withdrew to Taiwan and the Communist Party of China won the political power of China. It has been 60 years since the People¡¦s Republic of China was established on October 1st 1949. All of the 4 successive leaders claimed that there is only on China in the world, and Taiwan is part of China. Therefore, there were Mao Zedong¡¦s force liberation to peaceful liberation, Deng Xiaoping¡¦s peaceful liberation to ¡§one country with two systems,¡¨ Jiang Zemin¡¦s continuous ¡§one country two systems¡¨ based on Hong Kong experience, and Hu Jintao¡¦s two-side strategy ¡X ¡§milder for the milds, and firmer for the firms¡¨ and ¡§One country two systems for peaceful union.¡¨ Based on the above-mentioned background, this study compared the successive 4 leaders¡¦ breeding, learning, personalities, statecraft, leadership, value of life, and the policy on Taiwan collection and analysis of papers, periodicals, dissertations, scholars¡¦ writings, governmental publication, statistics, researches, records issued in China, and foreign periodicals, dissertations, and writings. Hopefully, the results were expected to be helpful to reveal China¡¦s strategies for Taiwan by describing in detail about the origins, historical causes, and possible future development between Taiwan and China. The final goal is helping China and Taiwan to understand each other more deeply and to have more friendly interactions, thus there would be more opportunities for the two parities to cooperate and benefit both sides.

none

This thesis aims at studying representatives from three groups in the Egyptian society with an ethnographic method and with regards to their experiences, reflections and stories of the Egyptian revolution. The material of the thesis is based on ethnographic fieldwork and on interviews. The purpose of the study is to explore different themes in the informants’ stories related to society, freedom, social justice, human values, peace and civility. The purpose is also to examine the informants' stories with emphasis on various informal learning processes that occurred in the Egyptian social change. The study finds that according to the informants a society should be characterized, among other things, by human values, social justice, non-violence and peaceful methods and approaches. Various informal learning processes involving both individual citizens and active members of civil society and NGO groups were found to be practiced to be able to accomplish these changes in the Egyptian society to create a better future. The degrees of involvement of the various learning processes not only reflect differences between informants regarding the social and cultural background. Although informants' involvement in the ongoing development of society and how different informal learning processes have affected the informants.

Globalization refers to the reduction of economic, cultural and social differences among different regions. It describes the process of these regional aspects to become integrated through the advancement of transportation, communication and trade. The goal is to form a more unify entity through exchange, interaction and interdependence between each nations without being limited by the distances. Under the globalization influences, the world¡¦s marine affairs has been in focusing on the peaceful coexistence and sustainable development of the sea. A single country is no longer independent off the development and activities around the sea without join cooperation at regional territory or with the world, especially the nontraditional maritime security. Nations have been dealing with these problems through international convention, regional conventions and multilateral agreements. The present work carried out a comparative analysis with regard to the recent development of marine affairs between China and Taiwan. The research has perceived to examine the differences of policy, legal system and institutional management, and enforcement that exist at the cross-strait. The main focus is to identify the feasible issues for cooperation in order to breaking the dead lock among the cross-strait maritime affairs. There are problems of direct talk without communication platform and appropriate mechanism at the both sides of cross-strait. In addition, both sides have different focus on policy, legal systems, management, and enforcement compare to international trends. As a result, the differences cause the difficulties for the integration between the cross-strait on the sustainable development, maritime safety, cooperation development, and peaceful coexistence. This thesis conclude that the cross-strait could resolve the issue through proper communication platform and cooperation mechanism to deal with the low political sensitivity issues such as the marine affairs, by implementing a cross talk on a regular basis , and lead to the signing of the agreement for marine affairs at least for the short term. In the long run, the cross-strait shall create a legal system abided by both sides, where it meets with the international framework. For this it is imperative to establish the marine affair department responsible for integrating the marine management between the cross-strait. The research survey provides the key issues and suggestions that the cross-strait can precede a radical improvement in marine affairs and improve practical cooperation without causing serious dispute or disagreement.