The central question of this study addresses the issue of the impact and effect of peace building interventions on the dynamics of peace and conflict. It takes as its context the process of rebuilding and reconciliation in KwaZulu-Natal and uses the Oxfam Canada peace building programme as a specific case study. The study identifies and analyses the peace building impact of the programme with the aim of leading to a common peace building framework for improving the planning, conduct and evaluation of peace building interventions in post conflict situations. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, 2000.

Darbe iškelta hipotezė, kad netradicinės seksualinės orientacijos asmenys turi taikių susirinkimų laisvę. Siekiant patvirtinti arba paneigti hipotezę, atlikta teorinė taikių susirinkimų laisvės ir seksualinės orientacijos koncepcijų analizė, nagrinėtos tarptautinės žmogaus teisių apsaugos dokumentų normos, reglamentuojančios taikių susirinkimų laisvę ir apžvelgtas šių normų aiškinimas teisminėje praktikoje. Apžvelgtas nediskriminacijos principo seksualinės orientacijos pagrindu įtvirtinimas tarptautinės žmogaus teisių apsaugos dokumentuose bei jo praktinio taikymo aspektas. Atlikta taikių susirinkimų laisvės ir nediskriminacijos principo seksualinės orientacijos pagrindu reglamentavimo apžvalga atskirų valstybių vidaus teisės aktuose. Analizuotos Lietuvos teisės aktų normos, reguliuojančios diskriminacijos seksualinės orientacijos pagrindu draudimą, pateikiami konkretūs pavyzdžiai bei aprašomas taikių susirinkimų laisvės reglamentavimas ir praktinis jos įgyvendinimas. / The hypothesis of the work is that the homosexuals have the freedom of peaceful assembly. The first part of the work describes the terms related to the freedom of peaceful assembly, the sorts of assemblies, main principles determining the proper regulation of this freedom and legal restrictions of the freedom of assembly. The aspects of sexual orientation are discussed and the brief history of homosexual movements is presented. The second part of the work analyzes the provisions of Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, American Convention on Human Rights and African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, regulating the prohibition of discrimination and freedom of peaceful assembly. Also there are analyzed the primary and secondary legal acts of the European Union, which form the EU policy on the protection of human rights. The third part of the work is dedicated to the analysis of the national legal base of the United States of America, Canada, South African Republic, Finland and Poland, which regulate the freedom of peaceful assembly and protection of homosexuals. The last part of the work reviews the Lithuanian legal norms regulating the prohibition of the discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, presents the concrete examples and describes the regulation of freedom of peaceful assembly and its practical implementation.

中國欲發展成具國際影響力的大國，首先須充實自身實力，為了能夠專心致力於發展國內經濟、儲備經濟實力，中國需建立安全穩定的國內與國際環境，待實力完備後，自然能夠維護國家領土的完整，獲取應有的大國地位。於此前提與和平發展的趨勢下，中國遂提出「和諧世界」與「和平發展」之理念，大力提倡睦鄰外交，各國應互相尊重、加強互助合作，共建和諧世界。 在經濟全球化的浪潮下，透過深化與各國的經貿往來，中國和多國簽定經貿協定，成為經貿夥伴，此舉不僅有利中國建構穩定的國內及國際環境，也有利於中國在國際社會上塑造積極合作的正面形象。中國推展戰略合作夥伴關係，就是希望透過經濟與外交的兩手策略，一面利用戰略夥伴關係為經濟發展服務並確保戰略能源的來源，同時又藉由國內市場及經濟實力不斷的提高，增加外交的籌碼以利鞏固其國際地位，擁有發聲權。此一外交手段結合經濟活動與外交關係的推展，彼此相輔相成。 然而，在中國大力提倡經濟外交、追求互利雙贏的同時，中國運用經濟制裁此一較為負面、強制性的外交手段，以脅迫性的方式威脅他國退讓的案例亦時有所聞；而中國積極推行金元外交的行為，更強化美國對「中國威脅論」的討論。此外，西方國家對於中國在提出和諧世界的同時，其軍事國防預算卻不減反增這點時有爭議。為此，中國與西方基於立場的不同，各衍生出了不同的論述與闡釋。究竟中國和平崛起戰略之真實意涵為何，其實際作為與和諧世界之宣言是否相符，均有必要加以釐清。 本篇分別依中國與美國及中國與東協國家政經互動情況為例，探討當代中國經濟快速成長之後，其外交戰略是否因日益擴大的經濟實力有所改變，又會如何影響中國與他國互動，再從相關事件之發展與各方論點，進一步分析中國經濟外交策略與和平崛起戰略之關聯性，並試圖為中國對外政策未來的發展提出建議。 / To become a great power, first, China needs to enrich the economic strength to increase the international influence. Establishing a safe and stable domestic and international environment could help China to concentrate on developing the domestic economy in a harmonious world. In order to reach this goal, China proposed the concept of “harmonious world” and “peaceful rise” and promoted that all countries should respect and cooperate with each other. As economic globalization deepens the relationship of countries, China shapes a positive image of the active cooperation through the deepening of economic and trade contacts by making trade agreements with other countries. Trade agreements not only improve access for exporters and investors to both countries’ markets, reduce the barriers to trade, but also make participating countries’ closer and create a secure trading relationship. China use the economic and diplomatic strategy to ensure the energy source for economic development. Meanwhile, China increases barging chip by rising economic power. Even though China pursuit win-win and mutually beneficial’ economic diplomacy, China also uses the negative diplomacy ─ economic sanctions at the same time. Furthermore, the military budget of China increased year by year. To this end, the Western countries suspect the true meaning of China’s “peaceful rise” and intensify the discussion of the "China threat theory". According to the examples of China and the United States of America, and China and ASEAN countries, this study is to investigate how the political and economic factors affect the interaction of China and other countries. By evaluating the correlation of the economic diplomatic and “peaceful rise”, the study tries to make recommendations for the future development of China’s diplomatic strategy.

Nonviolent Change Journal helps to network the peace community: providing dialoguing, exchanges of ideas, articles, reviews, reports and announcements of the activities of peace related groups and meetings, reviews of world developments relating to nonviolent change and resource information concerning the development of human relations on the basis of mutual respect. The Nonviolent Change Journal is published by the Research/Action Team on Nonviolent Large Systems Change, an interorganizational and international project of The Organization Development Institute.

O presente trabalho visa analisar a política externa da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) no período de 1917 a 1985. Até 1953, a política da URSS caracterizou-se como defensiva: buscava, em meio a um período de profunda crise do sistema capitalista, evitar as invasões a seu território, objetivando a modernização acelerada não apenas para integrar o país ao mundo produtivo e industrializado, como para também ter condições materiais de defender-se e de combater os inimigos em caso de guerra. No período posterior a 1953, o status de grande potência e líder do bloco socialista marcou um novo capítulo na história da política externa soviética – isso porque obterá um caráter mais reativo, em decorrência de um novo contexto internacional, que se estruturava na competição intersistêmica do bloco capitalista e socialista, como exposto por Fred Halliday. A URSS atuou no intuito de promover aliados e parcerias, especialmente no Terceiro Mundo. Dessa forma, como um todo, a URSS acabou por também promover uma política de coexistência pacífica contra o imperialismo, impulsionando uma mudança qualitativa nas relações de poder para as relações internacionais. / This study aims to analyze the foreign policy of the USSR in the period from 1917 to 1985. Until 1953, the policy of the USSR was known as defensive, as sought in the midst of a period of profound crisis of the capitalist system, prevent intrusions into its territory, seeking accelerated modernization not only in order to integrate the country into productive and industrialized world, but also to be able to defend material conditions and fight enemies in case of war. After 1953, the status of great power and leader of the socialist bloc marked a new chapter in the history of soviet foreign policy, giving a more reactive perspective to its actions as a result of a new international environment: the intersystem competition among the capitalist bloc and the socialist bloc, as exposed by Fred Halliday. Thus, the USSR acts in order to promote partnerships and allies, especially in the Third World. Thus, as a whole, the USSR also ends up promoting a policy of peaceful coexistence, against imperialism, driving a qualitative shift in power relations to international relations.

O presente trabalho visa analisar a política externa da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) no período de 1917 a 1985. Até 1953, a política da URSS caracterizou-se como defensiva: buscava, em meio a um período de profunda crise do sistema capitalista, evitar as invasões a seu território, objetivando a modernização acelerada não apenas para integrar o país ao mundo produtivo e industrializado, como para também ter condições materiais de defender-se e de combater os inimigos em caso de guerra. No período posterior a 1953, o status de grande potência e líder do bloco socialista marcou um novo capítulo na história da política externa soviética – isso porque obterá um caráter mais reativo, em decorrência de um novo contexto internacional, que se estruturava na competição intersistêmica do bloco capitalista e socialista, como exposto por Fred Halliday. A URSS atuou no intuito de promover aliados e parcerias, especialmente no Terceiro Mundo. Dessa forma, como um todo, a URSS acabou por também promover uma política de coexistência pacífica contra o imperialismo, impulsionando uma mudança qualitativa nas relações de poder para as relações internacionais. / This study aims to analyze the foreign policy of the USSR in the period from 1917 to 1985. Until 1953, the policy of the USSR was known as defensive, as sought in the midst of a period of profound crisis of the capitalist system, prevent intrusions into its territory, seeking accelerated modernization not only in order to integrate the country into productive and industrialized world, but also to be able to defend material conditions and fight enemies in case of war. After 1953, the status of great power and leader of the socialist bloc marked a new chapter in the history of soviet foreign policy, giving a more reactive perspective to its actions as a result of a new international environment: the intersystem competition among the capitalist bloc and the socialist bloc, as exposed by Fred Halliday. Thus, the USSR acts in order to promote partnerships and allies, especially in the Third World. Thus, as a whole, the USSR also ends up promoting a policy of peaceful coexistence, against imperialism, driving a qualitative shift in power relations to international relations.

This paper analyses the international obligation of solving disputes peacefully and the International Court of Justice role as a jurisdictional means of the United Nations in solving disputes. From this point, it analyses the Court role in the last years and its work solving territorial and maritime disputes, for example, the one between Peru and Chile. It presents an interesting study of the international obligations that led Peru and Chile solve the dispute peacefully and the advantages and disadvantages of it. Finally, it presents the main challenges that arise from turning to the International Court of Justice. / El artículo analiza la obligación internacional de solucionar pacíficamente las controversias y el papel de la Corte Internacional de Justicia como medio jurisdiccional de las Naciones Unidas en la solución de dichas controversias. A partir de ello, analiza el papel de la Corte en los últimos años y su labor en la resolución de disputas territoriales y marítimas, como la que surgió entre Perú y Chile. Se presenta un interesante estudio de las obligaciones internacionales que llevaron a Perú y Chile a solucionar pacíficamente la disputa así como las ventajas y desventajas de este medio. Finalmente, se exponen los principales retos que surgen al acudir a la Corte Internacional de Justicia.

O presente trabalho visa analisar a política externa da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) no período de 1917 a 1985. Até 1953, a política da URSS caracterizou-se como defensiva: buscava, em meio a um período de profunda crise do sistema capitalista, evitar as invasões a seu território, objetivando a modernização acelerada não apenas para integrar o país ao mundo produtivo e industrializado, como para também ter condições materiais de defender-se e de combater os inimigos em caso de guerra. No período posterior a 1953, o status de grande potência e líder do bloco socialista marcou um novo capítulo na história da política externa soviética – isso porque obterá um caráter mais reativo, em decorrência de um novo contexto internacional, que se estruturava na competição intersistêmica do bloco capitalista e socialista, como exposto por Fred Halliday. A URSS atuou no intuito de promover aliados e parcerias, especialmente no Terceiro Mundo. Dessa forma, como um todo, a URSS acabou por também promover uma política de coexistência pacífica contra o imperialismo, impulsionando uma mudança qualitativa nas relações de poder para as relações internacionais. / This study aims to analyze the foreign policy of the USSR in the period from 1917 to 1985. Until 1953, the policy of the USSR was known as defensive, as sought in the midst of a period of profound crisis of the capitalist system, prevent intrusions into its territory, seeking accelerated modernization not only in order to integrate the country into productive and industrialized world, but also to be able to defend material conditions and fight enemies in case of war. After 1953, the status of great power and leader of the socialist bloc marked a new chapter in the history of soviet foreign policy, giving a more reactive perspective to its actions as a result of a new international environment: the intersystem competition among the capitalist bloc and the socialist bloc, as exposed by Fred Halliday. Thus, the USSR acts in order to promote partnerships and allies, especially in the Third World. Thus, as a whole, the USSR also ends up promoting a policy of peaceful coexistence, against imperialism, driving a qualitative shift in power relations to international relations.

A Lei n° 9.433/1997 que institui a Política Nacional de Recursos Hídricos (PNRH) congrega as principais diretrizes de planejamento do uso da água a partir da incorporação de importantes Princípios como o do gerenciamento integrado dos recursos hídricos, gestão participativa, integralidade da bacia hidrográfica como interconexão de sistemas de águas superficiais e subterrâneas para gestão interna, resolução pacífica de conflitos, dentre outros. No contexto transfronteiriço, os contornos da cooperação podem ser tanto um instrumento facilitador como complicador das políticas hídricas a serem executadas, uma vez que à luz do Direito Internacional, as intervenções no território de um Estado devem seguir os Princípios da não intervenção, independência e soberania o que demanda uma política de coordenação internacional entre eles. Para estabelecer os contornos internacionais a respeito do que se pretende acerca de recursos naturais transfronteiriços, é usual o surgimento de regimes específicos, com tratado próprio, muitas vezes excetuado do regramento geral internacional. A fim de analisar o quadro jurídico aplicável no contexto hídrico transfronteiriço amazônico a presente tese parte do ordenamento jurídico brasileiro em matéria de gerenciamento de recursos hídricos e aplica, a partir da dimensão internacional, três esferas de análise dos Princípios da troca de informações e estudos prospectivos, solução pacífica dos conflitos, e da participação pública, nas seguintes perspectivas: 1. multilateral, no âmbito da OTCA; 2. bilateral/trilateral, na formação de instâncias ad hoc para a solução de conflitos; 3. local, na formação de Comitês de bacia internacional. / The Brazilian statute n. 9.433/1997 institutes the National Policy of Water Courses, which contains the most important parameters to set policies in this regard and is widely based on international principles, such as the principles of the integrated management of transboundary basins, integrality of the basins, interconnection between ground and surface water, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes. Transboundary situations may foster or obtrude cooperation to set and execute water policies, since, accordingly to the international law, a state are not allowed to intervene in the territory of other states, because they are independent and sovereign. The only way to harmonize policies is international cooperation. In order to establish the international limits to the use of natural transboundary resources some international regimes usually arouse and are, sometimes, established by treaties which differ from general international law. Aiming to analyze the legal framework applicable to the Amazon transboundary waters, this thesis starts with a study of the Brazilian legal system regarding water resources management and employs, departing from an international perspective, three levels of analysis of principles that refer to exchange of information, prospective studies, peaceful settlement of disputes, and public participation, from the following perspectives: 1. multilateral, under the ACTO regime 2. Bi- and trilateral, when ad hoc instances are created to settle the disputes 3. Local, through the creation of International Basin Committees

Comment comprendre, interpréter, et expliquer la médiation internationale ? Peut-on distinguer différentes formes de médiations internationales ? Face au recours croissant à la médiation sur la scène internationale depuis la fin de la guerre froide et à la diversité des acteurs pouvant entreprendre cette activité de pacification, un travail de clarification s’impose. Mêlant réflexion théorique et analyse de cas d’étude, nous proposons une typologie fondée sur la distinction entre une médiation politique, expertise et sociétale. Pour dégager ces types, nous interrogeons les différentes conceptions du conflit et de la paix ainsi que la rationalité à l’œuvre dans la médiation, la variété des pratiques de médiation et, en dernier lieu, les diverses fonctions de la médiation dans la recomposition du conflit et pour le médiateur. Dans un deuxième temps, nous montrons que les limites de la typologie nous informent sur des problématiques communes aux différentes médiations. En pensant « l’unique » ou les limites des types, nous interrogeons les contextes de médiations, en replaçant les activités de médiations dans leur environnement macro et micro. Penser « le multiple » est ensuite un moyen de mettre en évidence des complexes de médiations, qui redonnent une multi-dimensionnalité au phénomène – d’où le regard sur les médiations multi-types – et témoignent aussi des évolutions possibles des formes de médiations. Enfin, « l’entre-deux » permet de questionner les médiations hybrides, marquées par la combinaison de caractéristiques les rattachant à différents types, et qui émergent des décalages entre discours et actes ainsi qu’entre effets recherchés et résultats obtenus. / How can we understand, interpret and explain international mediation? Is it possible to distinguish several types of international mediations? The growing use of international mediation since the end of the Cold War and the diversity of actors involved in this peacemaking activity explain the need for clarification. Combining theoretical considerations and case studies, we therefore propose a typology based on the distinction between a political, an expert and a societal mediation. These types are constructed through an analysis of the various ways of conceiving conflict, peace, and the rationality of mediation, the different mediation practices, and finally the diverse functions that mediations can have with regard to the conflict and the mediator. In a second part, we demonstrate that the limits of the typological exercise shed light on problems and stakes common to all mediations. We question the limits of our types in relation to the unique macro and micro contexts in which mediations are carried out. We then define “mediation complexes”, characterized by the co-existence of several types of mediations or the changing character of a mediation over time. Lastly, we reflect on hybrid mediations, which combine characteristics from different types, and emerge from the discrepancy between discourses and acts as well as between expected and obtained effects.