Differences of opinion in political subjects is an unanswered phenomenon and does not seem to fade away as the world turns more gender equal. This study aims to deepen the understanding of what is known in the scholarly literature as a gender gap. The correlation between more gender equal views and peaceful attitudes in foreign policy’s, earlier found in four Middle Eastern society’s is tested on the population of Sweden. Public opinion surveys from the SOM-institute are analysed with frequency- and contingency tables. The results show a gender gap in Sweden and that the relationship between more peaceful attitudes in foreign policy’s and a more gender equal perspective is also observed in Sweden. That relationship provides no satisfying explanatory force to the gender gap. The phenomenon remains unsolved, but this study extended the understanding and provided a few suggestions on how further studies could embrace the question and fill the knowledge gap.

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"In 2001 after the 2000 election in Zanzibar, the Civic United Front (CUF) began planning a series of peaceful demonstrations to protest alleged fraud in the October 2000 presidential elections, calling for a rerun of the elections and constitutional reforms. The CUF notified the police of their intended routes, both the government officials and police immediately responded and announced that the demonstrations were banned. Police were ordered to use all force necessary to break up the demonstrations. The Tanzanian prime minister was recorded as stating that force would be used to break up the demonstration. According to him, "government has prepared itself in every way to confront whatever occurs ... any provocation will be met with all due forces of the state". CUF demonstrations, which were widely supported, took place on 27 January 2001 and as the unarmed demonstrators walked peacefully toward the four designated meeting grounds, security forces intercepted and opened fire without warning. They attacked the civilians, [and]ordered them to disperse [under] firing and beating. ... All these events occurred in the face of the fact that the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (CURT) provides for freedom of assembly. The requirement of permits has been removed and section 40 of the Police Force Ordinance and 11(1) of the Political Parties Act were declared void on grounds that the requirement for a permit to hold an assembly infringed the freedom of peaceful assembly and procession enshrined in article 20(2) of the CURT. However the government limits these rights in practice, police have authority to deny permission to hold an assembly on public safety and security grounds. The relevant provision is section 41 of the Police Force Ordinance which permits any police officer to stop the holding of any assembly. The situation has not improved for opposition parties seeking to hold assemblies because of the way the police apply section 41. Rather than invoking this provision only in extraordinary situations as required, the police, once served with a notice of a planned meeting, issued prohibition orders claiming that they had information that the meeting was likely to cause chaos, but without giving evidence. ... These restrictions on the right to freedom of assembly and the excessive use of force by police officials as depicted in the above recounted incident and others of its kind, violate numerous provisions of international legal istruments to which Tanzania is a party. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) guarantees for the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, as does the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The African Charter limits the right to assemble subject to necessary restrictions provided by law, in particular those enacted in the interest of national security and the safety, health, ethics and the rights to freedoms of other. But the African Commission has interpreted these claw back clauses to mean that the limitations must be in accordance with international law and thus the standards developed under the ICCPR, especially, would be relevant in determining when the rights to assemble may be limited. The exercise here is to examine the nature of the Tanzanian laws on the right to peaceful assembly and demonstration in the light of police practice having regards to the nature of the right as guaranteed under international human rights instruments." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. K. Quashigah at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

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No / This chapter draws on the experience of Programme for a Peaceful City (PPC) at the University of Bradford. The PPC has created spaces to exchange ideas about peace thinking and practice for over ten years, in response to some of the worst rioting the UK mainland has ever seen and heated domestic debates about cohesion and multiculturalism. Its work continues to be rooted in a constantly shifting local context and this chapter describes the spaces created for academics, practitioners and activists to exchange knowledge and ideas about conflict, participatory peacebuilding, good relationships and social change.

針對外界流傳已久的中國威脅論，中國於2003年底開始推出「和平崛起」論述，主張中國以和平的方式崛起，並且旨在維護和平、以和平為目的。除了基於國際環境給予的動力與壓力之外，中國決策者對中國崛起的自信，以及期望建立一套新的國家發展論述促使和平崛起戰略的出台。中國建立了以和平崛起為目標的國家發展戰略，其中對外建構了一套和平崛起外交戰略，具體落實在大國外交、睦鄰外交、與發展中國家關係及多邊外交上。本研究自中國崛起的背景著手，從國際環境、國家實力與決策者認知理解中國提出和平崛起的原因、目的與特色，並觀察中國相應而生的具體外交作為。最後，本研究指出和平崛起外交戰略面臨到中美權力競逐與矛盾問題、中日安全困境與衝突利益問題、領海與資源爭議以及台灣問題的嚴格考驗。 / This dissertation focuses on the “peaceful rise” argument brought by China in the end of 2003. By contending that China will rise by peace, for peace, and peacefully, the so-called “peaceful rise” argument tried to counter “China threat” argument, which distributed for a long time. The making of China’s “peaceful rise” national strategy is motivated and forced by the international environment. On top of that, the confidence of Chinese decision-makers for a rising China provides power to the formation of the new national strategy as well as the expectation for a new national development discourse. Following the national development strategy which aims at a peacefully rising China, the “peaceful rise” diplomatic strategy was built by a series of concrete foreign policies, including “Big-power diplomacy,” “Good-neighboring diplomacy,” “Relations with developing countries,” and “Multi-lateral diplomacy”. This dissertation starts from the background of a rising China, comprehends the reason, goal and character of China’s “peaceful rise” by international environment, national power, and decision-maker’s cognitive approaches. Moreover, concrete foreign policies accompanying its national strategy are analyzed. Finally, this research finds that the peaceful rise diplomatic strategy needs to deal with certain challenges such as Sino-U.S. power struggle with conflicting issues, Sino-Japan security dilemma with conflicting issues, peripheral territorial sea and land disputes, and last but not least, the Taiwan problem.

In this thesis I probe into British Columbia’s (BC) Kindergarten to Grade 12 Social Studies curriculum to determine how adequately it adheres to Canada’s international treaty obligations. I give particular attention to the duties regarding dissemination of information about, through, and for human rights principles and norms that are contained within the United Nations (UN) 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (Convention) and the UN 2011 Declaration of Human Rights Education and Training (DHRET). To accomplish this, I first develop a compliance assessment tool that is based on international human rights legal standards. This tool is then used in a normative inquiry into BC’s current Social Studies curriculum to assess the extent to which its educational aim, and its conception of the learner, learning process, learning environment, teacher’s role, and evaluation satisfies the international human rights education law requirements that are articulated in the treaties that Canada has ratified. The knowledge that is generated from this investigation is of value to BC’s Ministry of Education and members of the public who are involved in BC’s curriculum development and revision, because it creates a benchmark from which to “take more active measures to systematically disseminate and promote” (UN, 2012, paragraph 25) knowledge about international human rights in BC’s schools. / Graduate

A Lei n° 9.433/1997 que institui a Política Nacional de Recursos Hídricos (PNRH) congrega as principais diretrizes de planejamento do uso da água a partir da incorporação de importantes Princípios como o do gerenciamento integrado dos recursos hídricos, gestão participativa, integralidade da bacia hidrográfica como interconexão de sistemas de águas superficiais e subterrâneas para gestão interna, resolução pacífica de conflitos, dentre outros. No contexto transfronteiriço, os contornos da cooperação podem ser tanto um instrumento facilitador como complicador das políticas hídricas a serem executadas, uma vez que à luz do Direito Internacional, as intervenções no território de um Estado devem seguir os Princípios da não intervenção, independência e soberania o que demanda uma política de coordenação internacional entre eles. Para estabelecer os contornos internacionais a respeito do que se pretende acerca de recursos naturais transfronteiriços, é usual o surgimento de regimes específicos, com tratado próprio, muitas vezes excetuado do regramento geral internacional. A fim de analisar o quadro jurídico aplicável no contexto hídrico transfronteiriço amazônico a presente tese parte do ordenamento jurídico brasileiro em matéria de gerenciamento de recursos hídricos e aplica, a partir da dimensão internacional, três esferas de análise dos Princípios da troca de informações e estudos prospectivos, solução pacífica dos conflitos, e da participação pública, nas seguintes perspectivas: 1. multilateral, no âmbito da OTCA; 2. bilateral/trilateral, na formação de instâncias ad hoc para a solução de conflitos; 3. local, na formação de Comitês de bacia internacional. / The Brazilian statute n. 9.433/1997 institutes the National Policy of Water Courses, which contains the most important parameters to set policies in this regard and is widely based on international principles, such as the principles of the integrated management of transboundary basins, integrality of the basins, interconnection between ground and surface water, as well as the peaceful settlement of disputes. Transboundary situations may foster or obtrude cooperation to set and execute water policies, since, accordingly to the international law, a state are not allowed to intervene in the territory of other states, because they are independent and sovereign. The only way to harmonize policies is international cooperation. In order to establish the international limits to the use of natural transboundary resources some international regimes usually arouse and are, sometimes, established by treaties which differ from general international law. Aiming to analyze the legal framework applicable to the Amazon transboundary waters, this thesis starts with a study of the Brazilian legal system regarding water resources management and employs, departing from an international perspective, three levels of analysis of principles that refer to exchange of information, prospective studies, peaceful settlement of disputes, and public participation, from the following perspectives: 1. multilateral, under the ACTO regime 2. Bi- and trilateral, when ad hoc instances are created to settle the disputes 3. Local, through the creation of International Basin Committees

This thesis provides a critical cultural analysis of the discursive myths of salvation and conspiracy, using as a case study the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) during the transition period in Romania, from 1989 to 2007. The study offers an answer to the questions: how do NATO myths change? Why and with what discursive implications for the Romanian audience? The thesis uses a combination of methodological tools from three different disciplines - history, mythology, and rhetoric - with the intent of showing how the Romanians' public attitudes toward NATO change in four different political contexts: during the integration period until Romania's admission into the alliance, during the Kosovo war, after 9/11 events and during the installation of NATO troops on Romanian territory. This study demonstrates that NATO myths are effective operational strategies that offer Romanians a sense of identity in the critical period of transition. The thesis also explains how NATO, as a carrier of Western values, helps the democratization of the Romanian public sphere and the reconstruction of a national identity based on democratic principles. / by Daniela Popescu. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.