Globalization refers to the reduction of economic, cultural and social differences among different regions. It describes the process of these regional aspects to become integrated through the advancement of transportation, communication and trade. The goal is to form a more unify entity through exchange, interaction and interdependence between each nations without being limited by the distances. Under the globalization influences, the world¡¦s marine affairs has been in focusing on the peaceful coexistence and sustainable development of the sea. A single country is no longer independent off the development and activities around the sea without join cooperation at regional territory or with the world, especially the nontraditional maritime security. Nations have been dealing with these problems through international convention, regional conventions and multilateral agreements. The present work carried out a comparative analysis with regard to the recent development of marine affairs between China and Taiwan. The research has perceived to examine the differences of policy, legal system and institutional management, and enforcement that exist at the cross-strait. The main focus is to identify the feasible issues for cooperation in order to breaking the dead lock among the cross-strait maritime affairs. There are problems of direct talk without communication platform and appropriate mechanism at the both sides of cross-strait. In addition, both sides have different focus on policy, legal systems, management, and enforcement compare to international trends. As a result, the differences cause the difficulties for the integration between the cross-strait on the sustainable development, maritime safety, cooperation development, and peaceful coexistence. This thesis conclude that the cross-strait could resolve the issue through proper communication platform and cooperation mechanism to deal with the low political sensitivity issues such as the marine affairs, by implementing a cross talk on a regular basis , and lead to the signing of the agreement for marine affairs at least for the short term. In the long run, the cross-strait shall create a legal system abided by both sides, where it meets with the international framework. For this it is imperative to establish the marine affair department responsible for integrating the marine management between the cross-strait. The research survey provides the key issues and suggestions that the cross-strait can precede a radical improvement in marine affairs and improve practical cooperation without causing serious dispute or disagreement.

In this thesis I probe into British Columbia’s (BC) Kindergarten to Grade 12 Social Studies curriculum to determine how adequately it adheres to Canada’s international treaty obligations. I give particular attention to the duties regarding dissemination of information about, through, and for human rights principles and norms that are contained within the United Nations (UN) 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (Convention) and the UN 2011 Declaration of Human Rights Education and Training (DHRET). To accomplish this, I first develop a compliance assessment tool that is based on international human rights legal standards. This tool is then used in a normative inquiry into BC’s current Social Studies curriculum to assess the extent to which its educational aim, and its conception of the learner, learning process, learning environment, teacher’s role, and evaluation satisfies the international human rights education law requirements that are articulated in the treaties that Canada has ratified. The knowledge that is generated from this investigation is of value to BC’s Ministry of Education and members of the public who are involved in BC’s curriculum development and revision, because it creates a benchmark from which to “take more active measures to systematically disseminate and promote” (UN, 2012, paragraph 25) knowledge about international human rights in BC’s schools. / Graduate

O presente trabalho visa analisar a política externa da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) no período de 1917 a 1985. Até 1953, a política da URSS caracterizou-se como defensiva: buscava, em meio a um período de profunda crise do sistema capitalista, evitar as invasões a seu território, objetivando a modernização acelerada não apenas para integrar o país ao mundo produtivo e industrializado, como para também ter condições materiais de defender-se e de combater os inimigos em caso de guerra. No período posterior a 1953, o status de grande potência e líder do bloco socialista marcou um novo capítulo na história da política externa soviética – isso porque obterá um caráter mais reativo, em decorrência de um novo contexto internacional, que se estruturava na competição intersistêmica do bloco capitalista e socialista, como exposto por Fred Halliday. A URSS atuou no intuito de promover aliados e parcerias, especialmente no Terceiro Mundo. Dessa forma, como um todo, a URSS acabou por também promover uma política de coexistência pacífica contra o imperialismo, impulsionando uma mudança qualitativa nas relações de poder para as relações internacionais. / This study aims to analyze the foreign policy of the USSR in the period from 1917 to 1985. Until 1953, the policy of the USSR was known as defensive, as sought in the midst of a period of profound crisis of the capitalist system, prevent intrusions into its territory, seeking accelerated modernization not only in order to integrate the country into productive and industrialized world, but also to be able to defend material conditions and fight enemies in case of war. After 1953, the status of great power and leader of the socialist bloc marked a new chapter in the history of soviet foreign policy, giving a more reactive perspective to its actions as a result of a new international environment: the intersystem competition among the capitalist bloc and the socialist bloc, as exposed by Fred Halliday. Thus, the USSR acts in order to promote partnerships and allies, especially in the Third World. Thus, as a whole, the USSR also ends up promoting a policy of peaceful coexistence, against imperialism, driving a qualitative shift in power relations to international relations.

O presente trabalho visa analisar a política externa da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) no período de 1917 a 1985. Até 1953, a política da URSS caracterizou-se como defensiva: buscava, em meio a um período de profunda crise do sistema capitalista, evitar as invasões a seu território, objetivando a modernização acelerada não apenas para integrar o país ao mundo produtivo e industrializado, como para também ter condições materiais de defender-se e de combater os inimigos em caso de guerra. No período posterior a 1953, o status de grande potência e líder do bloco socialista marcou um novo capítulo na história da política externa soviética – isso porque obterá um caráter mais reativo, em decorrência de um novo contexto internacional, que se estruturava na competição intersistêmica do bloco capitalista e socialista, como exposto por Fred Halliday. A URSS atuou no intuito de promover aliados e parcerias, especialmente no Terceiro Mundo. Dessa forma, como um todo, a URSS acabou por também promover uma política de coexistência pacífica contra o imperialismo, impulsionando uma mudança qualitativa nas relações de poder para as relações internacionais. / This study aims to analyze the foreign policy of the USSR in the period from 1917 to 1985. Until 1953, the policy of the USSR was known as defensive, as sought in the midst of a period of profound crisis of the capitalist system, prevent intrusions into its territory, seeking accelerated modernization not only in order to integrate the country into productive and industrialized world, but also to be able to defend material conditions and fight enemies in case of war. After 1953, the status of great power and leader of the socialist bloc marked a new chapter in the history of soviet foreign policy, giving a more reactive perspective to its actions as a result of a new international environment: the intersystem competition among the capitalist bloc and the socialist bloc, as exposed by Fred Halliday. Thus, the USSR acts in order to promote partnerships and allies, especially in the Third World. Thus, as a whole, the USSR also ends up promoting a policy of peaceful coexistence, against imperialism, driving a qualitative shift in power relations to international relations.

O presente trabalho visa analisar a política externa da União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) no período de 1917 a 1985. Até 1953, a política da URSS caracterizou-se como defensiva: buscava, em meio a um período de profunda crise do sistema capitalista, evitar as invasões a seu território, objetivando a modernização acelerada não apenas para integrar o país ao mundo produtivo e industrializado, como para também ter condições materiais de defender-se e de combater os inimigos em caso de guerra. No período posterior a 1953, o status de grande potência e líder do bloco socialista marcou um novo capítulo na história da política externa soviética – isso porque obterá um caráter mais reativo, em decorrência de um novo contexto internacional, que se estruturava na competição intersistêmica do bloco capitalista e socialista, como exposto por Fred Halliday. A URSS atuou no intuito de promover aliados e parcerias, especialmente no Terceiro Mundo. Dessa forma, como um todo, a URSS acabou por também promover uma política de coexistência pacífica contra o imperialismo, impulsionando uma mudança qualitativa nas relações de poder para as relações internacionais. / This study aims to analyze the foreign policy of the USSR in the period from 1917 to 1985. Until 1953, the policy of the USSR was known as defensive, as sought in the midst of a period of profound crisis of the capitalist system, prevent intrusions into its territory, seeking accelerated modernization not only in order to integrate the country into productive and industrialized world, but also to be able to defend material conditions and fight enemies in case of war. After 1953, the status of great power and leader of the socialist bloc marked a new chapter in the history of soviet foreign policy, giving a more reactive perspective to its actions as a result of a new international environment: the intersystem competition among the capitalist bloc and the socialist bloc, as exposed by Fred Halliday. Thus, the USSR acts in order to promote partnerships and allies, especially in the Third World. Thus, as a whole, the USSR also ends up promoting a policy of peaceful coexistence, against imperialism, driving a qualitative shift in power relations to international relations.

Rapid urbanisation is a global phenomenon on the rise. If managed poorly by the cities affected, it may lead to, e.g. segregation, air pollution and civil unrest. In order to avoid these problems and to achieve Sustainable Development Goals, 10, reduce inequality within and among countries and 11, make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable, urbanisation policies must be functional, robust and socially sustainable so that the organic growth or poorly executed policies does not lead to problems like segregation, tensions between the inhabitants and civil unrest. This study takes a closer look at a one mega city’s attempt to cope with their rapid urbanisation, the Socio-Economic Stratification (SES) system of Bogotá, Colombia to see if it is a sustainable and efficient urbanisation policy. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in two areas of Bogotá where neighbourhoods are characterised by a significant difference in SES levels. Social Identity Theory and the Social Identity Model of System Attitudes were adopted to analyse the results, focusing on the formation of group identities in the neighbourhoods, intergroup conflictual behaviour, relationships and contact to see whether there exist peaceful coexistence or intergroup conflictual behaviours between the members of the SES systems different levels. The study shows a passively supported but not actively endorsed system, a tendency to place strong classification and stigmas on individuals based on their SES level, the lack of relationships and contact between neighbourhoods, and social identities with intergroup conflictual behaviour in three out of four areas investigated. A less conflictual behaviour is found in individuals that have lived in other SES levels or has had much contact with people from there. The results suggest that urbanisation policies, not only in Bogotá but worldwide, should be implemented where inhabitants are encouraged to interact and diminish segregation. As the segregation stemming from the SES system is causing tensions between the members of the different SES levels and may lead to civil unrest. This study contributes to the deficit in empirical data that exists on the SES system and will work to spark a debate on its implications and highlight people’s experiences from it. The results will also work as material for future research on the SES system and other urbanisation policies worldwide.

Après l'arrivée au pouvoir des révolutionnaires cubains en 1959, l'Amérique latine s'insère de plain-pied dans la« guerre froide pour les idées», suscitant un intérêt croissant de la part des deux superpuissances : les États-Unis et l'Union soviétique. Quant à cette dernière, le bouleversement social à Cuba incite le Kremlin à porter un regard intéressé sur l'île des Caraïbes, un pays qui deviendra plus tard, après une phase de divergences (1962-1968), un allié fidèle de Moscou. Mais le rapprochement de l'URSS avec La Havane entraîne également une doctrine spécifique envers d'autres pays du continent latino-américain. C'est le cas du Chili, un État qui, sous la présidence d'Eduardo Frei (1964-1970), noue des accords ambitieux avec l'Est, encourageant des échanges accrus. Cette tendance, interrompue tragiquement suite au coup d'État de Pinochet en septembre 1973, se renforcera après la victoire électorale de Salvador Allende en 197 0. Outre l'essor des relations politiques ou économiques, l'administration soviétique à l'ère de Nikita Khrouchtchev s'efforce de mettre en place une vigoureuse diplomatie culturelle, ce qui se traduira par des interactions grandissantes avec la Cuba castriste et le Chili des années 1960 et 1970. Alors qu'à Santiago, la culture soviétique est appelée à dévoiler un côté positif d'un pays méconnu, à Cuba, elle devient vite un indice des liens privilégiés tissés entre deux États qui font désormais partie du même« camp idéologique». Cependant, les effets que les échanges culturelles produisent ne sont pas les mêmes dans les deux régions analysées, engendrant des représentations sociales hétérogènes, voire ambivalentes, indissociables de chaque contexte. Par le biais d'une perspective comparative, fondée sur les priorités soviétiques à Cuba et au Chili, il est possible de prendre la mesure des spécificités de la politique extérieure du Kremlin en Amérique latine ainsi que des effets variés que la nouvelle proximité provoque. Cette approche nous autorise aussi à constater que les rapports à l'égard d'un État conditionnent souvent la politique menée envers l'autre, érigeant une « logique triangulaire» des relations URSS-Chili-Cuba. / After the Cuban Revolution in 1959, Latin America became a crucial point of the "Cold War for the ideas", generating a growing interest of both United States and Soviet Union. Concerning USSR, social transformation of Cuba encouraged the Kremlin to have an attentive eye on the Caribbean island, a country that will become, after a phase of divergences (1962-1968), a faithful Moscow's ally. But the rapprochement between USSR and Havana also foster a specific doctrine with regard to other Latin American countries. It was the case of Chile, a state that during Eduardo Frei's administration (1964-1970) signed ambitious agreements with the East, encouraging bilateral exchanges. This trend, brutally interrupted by Pinochet’s coup d'état in September 1973, strengthened after the election of Salvador Allende in 1970. Beyond the growth of political and economic relations, Khrushchev’s administration made an effort to consolidate a powerful cultural diplomacy, which will result in increasing interactions with Castro’s Cuba and Chile of the 1960s and the early 1970s. While in Santiago, Soviet culture was supposed to unveil a positive facet of a largely ignored country, in Cuba, it became rapidly a mark of the privileged links built between two states belonging to the same "ideological camp". Nonetheless, the effect of cultural exchanges was not the same in the different areas analyzed, engendering heterogeneous and even ambivalent social representations that were deeply associated to each context. On the basis of a comparative approach, focused on Soviet priorities in Cuba and Chile, it is possible to measure the nature of Kremlin's foreign policy in Latin America, as well as the various consequences of the new international proximity. This standpoint also allows us to remark that relations with one state may determine the policy towards other nations, configuring a "triangular articulation" of Soviet-Chilean-Cuban relations.

Tous les etats issus du démembrement de l'urss ont dû résoudre, depuis 15 ans, une question fondamentale : celle de la définition et de l'affirmation de leur identité. ayant tous la même aspiration à la liberté, à l'autonomie productive, à l'ouverture au monde, ces pays ont commencé à réformer leurs systèmes juridiques, politiques et économiques. toutefois le droit international soviétique, spécifique, fermé dans son propre système et lié fortement à la politique extérieure de l'urss, continue à persister dans les etats post-soviétiques, malgré leur aspiration aux règles des sociétés occidentales juste après l'indépendance. ainsi, le renouvellement de la doctrine et de la pratique internationale des etats post-soviétiques se passe d'abord dans des conditions de permanence de la conception soviétique du droit international d'un côté et du désir de trouver sa place dans la communauté internationale de l'autre. cette rénovation ayant ses particularités dans chaque etat ex-soviétique, a affecté non seulement la formation de la pensée juridique et la pratique diplomatique de ces etats, mais aussi les rapports entre les droits internes et le droit international. c'est à l'époque de la fin de l'antagonisme des blocs qu'on observe l'intégration des etats issus de l'urss dans le monde de la nouvelle répartition des forces /... / International law is a « common language » but the vision of international law is far from being universal. It is a « multiplicity of particular national, regional, individual, institutional visions of international law. One can speak of the existence of regional American, Latin American, European, Asian, African approaches of law, but what about the geographical region of the former Union of Soviet Socialist Republics? In the XXth century one spoke about the Soviet conception of international law, which was a complex phenomenon, having its roots in the Russian legal school, combining the multiculturalism of the Russian Empire and the Soviet state and causing the division of the world into two blocks : Western and Soviet. For over twenty years that the Soviet Union no longer exists and the former Soviet states became independent and sovereign actors in the international arena. Can we therefore speak today about the existence of national approaches to international law of each state of the former USSR ? The objective of this thesis is to present the current state of doctrine and practice of the post-Soviet international law, considering the renewal of approaches of foreign policies of the post-Soviet states, and doctrinal concepts of international legal scholars. Does the post-Soviet doctrine of international law exist ? The contemporary international law is faced with challenges such as regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law. Faced with these challenges, the doctrine and practice post-Soviet international law have been renewed. What approaches the post-Soviet states adopt in response to the contemporary challenges of regionalization, globalization and the establishment of the rule of law in international law?