Mineral projects in the global South have been subjected to increasing opposition, especially from adjacent communities, ultimately forcing some firms to abandon government-permitted and financially viable projects. Consequently, the mining literature has become saturated with prescriptions for firms seeking to engage with impacted communities. This literature is limited in that: it has primarily focused on conflict-ridden situations; the role of context has been largely ignored; and there has been little validation of what works and why. This thesis responds to these limitations through an assessment of the Canadian firm Kinross Gold at Paracatu, Brazil, where company-community relations have seemingly been healthy for years. Kinross has exerted considerable effort to engage with the community through several initiatives. While not all initiatives have been effective, community relations are strong, especially when compared to other foreign-owned mines in Latin America. However, Paracatu also boasts a diversified economy, and positive population and governance characteristics. This research shows that both context and company practice are important in determining company-community relations.

根據Joseph Nye的定義:軟實力是透過吸引和説服，而非以強迫或收買，使你得到想要的東西的能力。最近，為了推動他們的「和平崛起」，中國政府致力於軟實力的發展。其焦點是採用非威脅的、基於文化的方法以迎合世界其他國家，進而達到展現中國是新興超級強國的目的。 已知電影為強而有力的文化工具，而在二十一世紀美國好萊塢的電影產業一向穩占世界主導地位。但在世紀之交，中國把本土的電影業市場化，將此媒介從純粹的宣傳工具變成一個文化產業。根據胡錦濤二零零七年的敦促，中國需要進一步發展文化上的軟實力以因應國家快速的崛起。發展至今，固然中國電影業的軟實力尚未能與美國電影業相比擬，但它在過去十年的進步仍然令人難以置信。 若中國確實將電影業視為國家重要的軟實力資源之一，則仍然有許多障礙需要克服。 但所謂的障礙究竟是什麽？本論文將評論中國電影業的軟實力發展。我們將蒐集與評估現有的資料以研究其進化與現況。更將進一步分析， 在針對中國特定的軟實力目標上，該產業的成功與不足。 / According to Joseph Nye, “Soft power is the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments” (2004, 256). Recently, China has been making a soft power push to promote its “peaceful rise,” focusing on a non-threatening culture based approach, with the aim of ingratiating themselves as an emerging super power to the rest of the world. Film remains a powerful cultural tool, one that the U.S. industry in Hollywood has dominated throughout the twenty-first century. But as China marketized its own film industry at the turn of the century, the medium there has moved away from being purely a propaganda apparatus to more of a cultural industry. Upon Hu Jintao’s urging in 2007, China must better develop its cultural soft power to accommodate its meteoric rise. While the Chinese film industry’s soft power development has not yet reached the ranks of the U.S.’s, it has made incredible strides over the past decade. There are still many hurdles for it to surpass if it truly intends to become a significant soft power resource for the country, but what are they? This thesis will evaluate the Chinese film industry’s soft power development by surveying existing material, data, and research on the subject, by examining its evolution, by reviewing its current environment, and by analyzing its successes and its shortcomings against the framework of China’s specific soft power objectives.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Cette thèse porte sur le statut de l'Etat justiciable en droit international. L'étude de l'Etat, sujet de droit international et justiciable des juridictions internationales, conduit à l'analyse de sa personnalité juridique internationale. Pour connaître le statut juridique de l'Etat et sa possible mise en cause devant une juridiction internationale, il a fallu donner un essai de définition du concept d'Etat et de celui de souveraineté. C'est à partir de la variante souveraineté que se décline le phénomène de justiciabilité de l'Etat en droit international. Dans cette étude, le nouveau droit international tel que proposé par la Charte des Nations en 1945, maintient l'Etat dans son rôle classique de sujet principal du droit des gens, en lui étant tout de même le statut de souverain absolu et inaccessible. En plus du contentieux interétatique classique, le souverain étatique est devenu depuis cette date un acteur contentieux presque banal devant les nouvelles juridictions internationales. C'est ainsi que l'émergence de nouveaux acteurs de la société internationale comme les individus, les entreprises et les ONG, a donné lieu à un nouveau développement conventionnel dans des espaces juridiques qui échappent au contrôle étatique. La protection internationale des droits de l'homme fait passer l'individu de la sphère nationale à la sphère internationale. Le nouveau droit international économique institutionnalisé par le CIRDI en 1965, le nouveau droit de la mer matérialisé par la Convention de Montego Bay de 1982 et le développement des juridictions pénales internationales (lutte contre l'impunité) sont la preuve d'une transformation de l'environnement juridique international où l'Etat n'est plus l'unique centre d'intérêt des rapports internationaux. / This thesis examines the status of the defendant State in international law. The study of State, subject of international law and immune from international courts, led to the analysis of its international legal personality. To know the legal status of the State and its possible questioned before an International Court, it took to give a definition of the concept of sovereignty and state test. It is from the variant sovereignty comes the phenomenon of justiciability of the State under international law. In this study, new international law as proposed by the Charter in 1945, maintains the State in his classic role as main subject of the law of Nations, by taking away all the same absolute and inaccessible sovereign status. In addition to the classical inter-State disputes, the sovereign State has become since that date an almost banal litigation player before the new international courts. It is as well as the emergence of new actors in the international society as individuals, businesses and NGOS, gave rise to a new conventional development in legal spaces that are outside State control. The international protection of human rights puts the individual in the national sphere to the international sphere. The new international economic law, institutionalized by the ICSID in 1965, the new law of the sea, materialized by the Montego Bay Convention of 1982 and the development of international criminal courts (Fight against impunity) are evidence of a transformation of the international legal environment where the State is no longer the only main interest of international reports.

A opção pelas gated communities fez desaparecer dos espaços de convivência comunitária considerados a primeira vítima colateral de uma cidade que perde a árdua luta enfrentada para resistir ao avanço do isolamento espacial dos moradores grande parte dos atrativos da vida citadina. Diante da importância do ambiente público na formação da criança e do adolescente, a questão envolvendo a tutela da convivência comunitária está inegavelmente baseada na necessidade da efetivação de políticas públicas voltadas para a revitalização e readequação dos espaços urbanos, a fim de resguardar a qualidade de vida daqueles que merecem especial proteção do Estado. Sob este prisma, portanto, que esta obra será desenvolvida. Pretende-se demonstrar que, em relação à criança e ao adolescente, hodiernamente entendidos como pessoas humanas que merecem especial atenção da família, sociedade e Estado, a tutela da convivência comunitária representa um Direito Fundamental, em paralelo ao direito à convivência familiar, em que ambos estão igualmente previstos na norma constitucional, através do artigo 227 da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, e infraconstitucional, por meio dos artigos 4 e 19 do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente. / Gated communities option by the end of community interaction spaces considered the first victim sibling of a city that loses the arduous struggle faced to withstand the advancement of spatial isolation of residents most of the attractions of the city life. Considering the importance of public education of children and adolescents, the issue involving the community coexistence is undeniably based on need effective public policies targeted to the revitalization and readjustment of urban spaces, seeking to safeguard the quality of life of those who deserve special protection by the State. He, therefore, that this work will be carried out. To demonstrate that, in relation to children and adolescents, hodiernamente understood as human beings that deserve special attention from the family, society and State, the Fellowship Community represents a fundamental right, in parallel to the right to family life, in which both are also provided for in the constitutional standard, through article 227 of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil 1988 and infraconstitucional, by means of article 4 and 19 of the Statute of the child and adolescent.

A opção pelas gated communities fez desaparecer dos espaços de convivência comunitária considerados a primeira vítima colateral de uma cidade que perde a árdua luta enfrentada para resistir ao avanço do isolamento espacial dos moradores grande parte dos atrativos da vida citadina. Diante da importância do ambiente público na formação da criança e do adolescente, a questão envolvendo a tutela da convivência comunitária está inegavelmente baseada na necessidade da efetivação de políticas públicas voltadas para a revitalização e readequação dos espaços urbanos, a fim de resguardar a qualidade de vida daqueles que merecem especial proteção do Estado. Sob este prisma, portanto, que esta obra será desenvolvida. Pretende-se demonstrar que, em relação à criança e ao adolescente, hodiernamente entendidos como pessoas humanas que merecem especial atenção da família, sociedade e Estado, a tutela da convivência comunitária representa um Direito Fundamental, em paralelo ao direito à convivência familiar, em que ambos estão igualmente previstos na norma constitucional, através do artigo 227 da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, e infraconstitucional, por meio dos artigos 4 e 19 do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente. / Gated communities option by the end of community interaction spaces considered the first victim sibling of a city that loses the arduous struggle faced to withstand the advancement of spatial isolation of residents most of the attractions of the city life. Considering the importance of public education of children and adolescents, the issue involving the community coexistence is undeniably based on need effective public policies targeted to the revitalization and readjustment of urban spaces, seeking to safeguard the quality of life of those who deserve special protection by the State. He, therefore, that this work will be carried out. To demonstrate that, in relation to children and adolescents, hodiernamente understood as human beings that deserve special attention from the family, society and State, the Fellowship Community represents a fundamental right, in parallel to the right to family life, in which both are also provided for in the constitutional standard, through article 227 of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil 1988 and infraconstitucional, by means of article 4 and 19 of the Statute of the child and adolescent.

This dissertation analyzed the internal incoherence of China’s grand strategy. To do so, it used the cultural driver of honor to explain the contradictory behavior of China, which ranges from peaceful, responsible international actor to assertive, revisionist rising power with hegemonic ambitions. The central research question asked why China often diverges from Peaceful Development, thus leading to major contradictions as well as possible misperceptions on the part of other nations. Honor was the standard of reference that was utilized and examined in order to establish congruence and coherence between deed and praxis. Accordingly, the first hypothesis of this study posited that if policy diverges from or is incongruent with China’s standard of national honor, then the grand strategy is internally incoherent. Second, two further hypotheses posited that China will tend to use peaceful means if its goal is to enhance external legitimacy, whereas it will tend to use assertive means if its goal is to enhance internal legitimacy. This dissertation began by broadly tracing the cultural driver of honor and the link between honor and legitimacy in Chinese history. The second part of the dissertation looked at the six most salient events within a six-year timeframe (2009-2015) by way of the focused, comparative single-case-study method. For each grand strategy policy input (military strategy, economic policy, and diplomatic policy), the two most salient events were carefully chosen. A fourth grand strategy input, legitimacy (both internal and external), was evaluated for each of these events as well. Methodologically speaking, this study used process tracing in these within-case studies of the single case of China’s grand strategy. Results showed that China’s grand strategy manifestations are by and large legitimacy-driven and that, therefore, peaceful or assertive actions may be differentiated in terms of relation to external or internal legitimacy. In sum, this dissertation advanced an innovative means of inquiry into the grand strategy of a non-Western country, contributed valuable information for the policy community, and offered results that enable a re-evaluation of the debate on the peaceful or violent rise of China.

The goal of the thesis was to shed light on the ways in which the People's Republic of China secures its energy security and identify the role of Chinese investments in Africa. The economic development results in increased demand for energy resources. In 1993 China became a net oil importer. Conceptualization of energy security in China consists in strengthening relations with oil-rich countries. In certain areas such as industry, transportation and military oil represents for now to that extent of use an irreplaceable source of energy. Therefore I will focus on activities of the People's Republic of China. More specifically, I will focus on investment activities of China in Sudan/South Sudan and Libya. Compared to the West, China seems to be a convenient business partner as it abides by the noninterference into another state's affairs rule. The rationale behind this principle is that every state has a right to choose its model of governance development while taking into consideration its unique conditions. Additionally, China puts emphasis on mutual benefits of South-South cooperation and does not condition investments with the request for changes in political system and banking sector of a recipient state. China chooses its partner countries based on political and stability and state of security...

Rapid urbanisation is a global phenomenon on the rise. If managed poorly by the cities affected, it may lead to, e.g. segregation, air pollution and civil unrest. In order to avoid these problems and to achieve Sustainable Development Goals, 10, reduce inequality within and among countries and 11, make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable, urbanisation policies must be functional, robust and socially sustainable so that the organic growth or poorly executed policies does not lead to problems like segregation, tensions between the inhabitants and civil unrest. This study takes a closer look at a one mega city’s attempt to cope with their rapid urbanisation, the Socio-Economic Stratification (SES) system of Bogotá, Colombia to see if it is a sustainable and efficient urbanisation policy. Semi-structured interviews were conducted in two areas of Bogotá where neighbourhoods are characterised by a significant difference in SES levels. Social Identity Theory and the Social Identity Model of System Attitudes were adopted to analyse the results, focusing on the formation of group identities in the neighbourhoods, intergroup conflictual behaviour, relationships and contact to see whether there exist peaceful coexistence or intergroup conflictual behaviours between the members of the SES systems different levels. The study shows a passively supported but not actively endorsed system, a tendency to place strong classification and stigmas on individuals based on their SES level, the lack of relationships and contact between neighbourhoods, and social identities with intergroup conflictual behaviour in three out of four areas investigated. A less conflictual behaviour is found in individuals that have lived in other SES levels or has had much contact with people from there. The results suggest that urbanisation policies, not only in Bogotá but worldwide, should be implemented where inhabitants are encouraged to interact and diminish segregation. As the segregation stemming from the SES system is causing tensions between the members of the different SES levels and may lead to civil unrest. This study contributes to the deficit in empirical data that exists on the SES system and will work to spark a debate on its implications and highlight people’s experiences from it. The results will also work as material for future research on the SES system and other urbanisation policies worldwide.

Why do some communities experience more violence against civilians than others? This study argues that civilian communities embracing relationships that bridge salient group divides and norms of non-violence, will commit to actions of protection across those divides, which will in turn limit possibilities for armed actors to commit violence against civilians. On the other hand, communities that do not embrace bridging relationships and instead promote more violent norms, will commit to denunciation of other civilians during war. This will in turn create more opportunities for armed actors to commit violence against civilians. Through interview-based field research I test this theory on two communities in Kosovo. I compare the town of Prizren, largely spared from violence against civilians during the war of 1998-1999, to the town of Gjakova, which experienced higher levels of violence against civilians. The results show support for the theoretical argument. However, I cannot fully account for alternative explanations to the difference in violence. Research on civilian agency during the Kosovo war has been severely lacking, an empirical gap which I aim to partly fill through this research.