This work studies constitutional bases of two essential institutions of Collective Labor Law: employer’s obligation to negotiate collectively and facultative arbitration. In relation to the first one, using tools provided bythe Theory of Law, it is argued that the section 28º of Peruvian Constitution establishes a collective negotiation concept as claim (not as permission) so, employers legal obligation of collective negotiation is constitutional. In theother hand, regarding facultative arbitration, it has constitutional support on state’s obligation to promote pacific ways to labor conflicts; even though, it is questioned that a «sub constitutional» rule has restrictively regulated this institution. / En este trabajo se estudian las bases constitucionales de dos instituciones centrales del derecho colectivo del trabajo: la obligación patronal de negociar colectivamente y el arbitraje potestativo. En lo que se refiere a la primera, utilizando las herramientas que proporciona la teoría del derecho, se sostiene que el artículo 28 de la Constitución consagra una concepción de la negociación colectiva como pretensión (y no como permiso), y por tanto, que es constitucional el deber legal de los empleadores de negociar colectivamente. En cuanto al segundo, se afirma que este encuentra sustento constitucional en la obligación estatal de promover formas pacíficas de solución de los conflictos laborales, aunque se cuestiona que la normativa infraconstitucional haya regulado esta institución de forma restrictiva.

This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.

This diploma thesis deals with the rise of China in the context of its behavior in the South China Sea over the past decade. The significant economic growth of the People's Republic of China over the last few decades is expected to affect not only the regional balance of powers, but also its position within the international system. There is a wide-ranging debate in academia about how China will grow and how it will affect the international community. As a reaction, in order to explain its growth, China has introduced the concept of "peaceful development", according to which its growth should be seen as an opportunity rather than a threat to the international community. An offensive realism approach was chosen for this work and the ideas of its main advocate John Mearsheimer will be applied to the specific behavior of China in the region. The role of the United States, which influences China's behavior, will also be discussed. The diploma thesis will further deal with the increased Chinese assertiveness in the area of South China Sea and the means it uses in it to enforce its claims. The basic aim of this work is to underscore the contrast between the declared official policy of China and its actual behavior.

This thesis deals with one of the modern topics of international law - diplomatic protection. It provides for its comprehensive assessment from a wider and deeper perspective on the background of the codification process, which culminated in 2006, when the International Law Commission (ILC) adopted 19 Draft Articles on Diplomatic Protection. In the current state of international law, diplomatic protection is based on customary international law. It is an instrument to protect nationals (be it a natural or legal person) by their state of nationality, if they injured by another (host) state in violation of international law. Under the current definition, diplomatic protection means the invocation (through peaceful means) by a state of the responsibility of another state for an injury caused to a national by an internationally wrongful act of that another state. The aim of diplomatic protection is to implement this responsibility. The application and exercise of diplomatic protection is considered to be a sovereign, discretional right of the state, although the thesis points out the some recent developments in international law towards the need to recognize the rights and interests of the individual, as well as the constitutional practice of some states guaranteeing its citizens a (domestic) right to...

Le droit international encadre l’exercice de la diplomatie des États dans une finalité de prévenir l’insécurité et, par extension, les conflits armés. Le droit de la diplomatie préventive reflète ainsi l’idée que la prévention de risques imminents de dommages matériels graves délimite l’objet d’un principe général de droit international. L’affirmation d’un principe est fondée sur l’analyse inductive des conventions majeures conclues en matière de maintien de la sécurité collective de 1899 à 1945. Elle est vérifiée à la lumière de la pratique de leur application par les Membres de la SdN et, depuis 1945, de l’ONU. Le caractère général de ce principe est déduit d’une étude combinée de la jurisprudence d’un nombre de juridictions internationales dans une variété de domaines du droit international. Les efforts individuels et collectifs de prévention des conflits obéissent donc à un régime juridique général qui organise le système contemporain de maintien de la paix internationale. / International law regulates States’ diplomacy for the purpose of preventing insecurity, and, by extension, armed conflicts. Accordingly, the law of preventive diplomacy reflects, in a sense, the idea that prevention of imminent risks of serious material damages defines a general principle of international law. The assertion of such a principle is based on an inductive analysis of the major treaties on collective security concluded between 1899 and 1945. It is verified in light of their application by Member States of the League of Nations and, since 1945, of the United Nations. The general nature of this principle is deduced from a combined study of the jurisprudence of a number of international courts and tribunals in various fields of international law. Those findings support the idea that individual and collective efforts of conflict prevention are subject to the respect of a general legal regime governing the current international system of peace-maintenance and collective security.

This dissertation examines the application and effect of Article 1 of the First Protocol to the ECHR in relation to Scots land law reform. Chapter one will reflect on why existing rights to property have come to be challenged. Chapter two sets out the human rights paradigm and scrutinises what rights and whose rights are engaged. Chapter three traces the development of A1P1. Chapter four applies the human rights paradigm to contemporary reforms. Chapter five considers the broader effect A1P1 has had on domestic property law. This dissertation submits that the problem to be overcome is that, in many instances, Scots land law reform has been reduced into a simplistic struggle. A1P1 has been held up as either a citadel protecting landowners or as an ineffective and unjustified right to be ignored. At the core of this debate are competing claims between liberal individualist rights to property and socially democratic, egalitarian goals. This dissertation argues that it is important to move beyond this binary debate. This is not about finding some mysterious "red card" or eureka moment that conclusively shows compatibility or incompatibility. Instead, compatibility will be determined by following a rule-based approach that values rational decision-making and the best available evidence, as well as the importance of democratic institutions. As such, it will be illustrated how future challenges are likely to focus not on the underlying purpose of land law reform but on the macro or micro granularity of Ministerial discretion. In coming to this conclusion, it will be argued that A1P1 has a pervasive influence on the entire workings of all public bodies and, like a dye, permeates the legislative process.

Karl Ottomar Treibmann fängt in seiner Fünften Sinfonie durch Bezüge zur Französischen Revolution und durch den Austausch mit Künstlern wie Wolfgang Mattheuer oder Volker Braun in vielerlei Weise den Zeitgeist der Friedlichen Revolution von 1989 ein. Eine zusätzliche zeithistorische Aufladung erhält das Werk durch seine Uraufführung durch das Leipziger Gewandhausorchester unter Kurt Masur, die wenige Tage vor dem Fall der Mauer stattfand. Die vorliegende Studie stellt Entstehung, Analyse und Rezeption von Treibmanns Fünfter Sinfonie sowohl in einen zeithistorischen als auch in einen musikgeschichtlichen Zusammenhang. / This study explores Karl Ottomar Treibmann’s Fifth Symphony in its historical contexts. The symphony catches the zeitgeist of the 1989 Peaceful Revolution in various ways: It refers to the French Revolution as well as to Treibmann’s exchange with well-known 20th century artists such as Wolfgang Mattheuer and Volker Braun. Additional historic significance stems from its first performance with the Gewandhaus Orchestra in Leipzig conducted by Kurt Masur. This took place only a few days before the fall of the Berlin Wall. My study discusses the process, analysis, and reception of Treibmann’s Fifth Symphony by following a historical as well as a musicological approach.

La fin de la confrontation Est-ouest va apparaître comme un tournant décisif dans la lutte contre la prolifération des armes nucléaires. Alors que le monde se réjouissait de la chute du mur de Berlin, le contexte qui va succéder à cette période est marqué par la poursuite, et même l’aggravation de plusieurs crises graves liées à la prolifération nucléaire en Inde, au Pakistan, en Iran et en Corée du Nord. Ces crises, intervenues alors même que la totalité des armes nucléaires à l’échelle mondiale avait été réduite de plus d’un quart depuis la fin de la guerre froide, ont fait l’objet d’une réaction mitigée de la part de la « communauté internationale ». Ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer le régime de non-prolifération nucléaire en apportant des réponses promptes, crédibles et dynamiques. Alors que des doutes sont apparus sur la capacité du régime classique à décourager ceux qui souhaitent développer des activités nucléaires à des fins autres que pacifiques, la nécessité d’envisager des outils modernes et adaptées au contexte géopolitique en pleine mutations, s’est révélée indispensable. Cela suppose un réaménagement du régime classique de non-prolifération dans la perspective de renforcer la légitimité de la norme de non-prolifération. De surcroît, ces crises montrent qu’il est indispensable de renforcer les mécanismes de mise en œuvre du Traité de non-prolifération nucléaire (TNP). Il s’agira d’assurer l’application universelle des accords de garanties de l’AIEA, qui est une obligation du TNP, ainsi que par l’universalisation du protocole additionnel / The end of the East-West confrontation appeared to be a watershed in the fight against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. While the world was celebrating the fall of the Berlin wall, the context that will succeed this time is marked by the continuity and the aggravation of several serious crises linked to nuclear proliferation in India, Pakistan, Iran and North-Korea. These crises occurred even though all nuclear weapons were globally reduced by more than a quarter since the end of the cold war, have been a mixed reaction from the " International community ". These crises show that it is essential to strengthen the nuclear non-proliferation system by providing prompt, credible and dynamic responses. While doubts have been raised about the ability of the classical regime to discourage those who wish to develop nuclear activities for other than peaceful purposes, the need to consider appropriate modern tools to change rapidly geopolitical context seemed to be essential. This implies a rearrangement of the classic nuclear non-proliferation system with a view to strengthen the legitimacy of the norm of non-proliferation. In addition, these crises show that it is essential to strengthen the mechanisms for implementation of the Treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons (NPT). The application of an additional protocol, coupled with the implementation of a comprehensive safeguards agreement, is indeed essential to obtain full insurance compliance with non-proliferation commitments and is the current standard to allow the agency (IAEA) to fulfill its mission

Cette thèse de doctorat se propose d’éclairer les parcours personnels et collectifs de la quarantaine de membres fondateurs du Parti social-démocrate en RDA (SDP puis SPD), au-delà de sa création le 7 octobre 1989, afin de retracer leurs efforts de structuration mais aussi d’élaboration d’un programme social-démocrate proprement est-allemand, tout ce travail partisan qui dépasse la charge révolutionnaire à l’encontre du régime socialiste quarantenaire du SED. Après la chute du Mur, ce parti résolument est-allemand doit s’ouvrir à la question allemande et se confronter au Parti social-démocrate d’Allemagne ouest-allemand qui l’aide tout autant qu’il tente de le récupérer, notamment lorsque le parti est-allemand accède au gouvernement de la RDA en mars 1990. Alors que les deux gouvernements de Berlin et de Bonn préparent l’unification selon la volonté majoritaire, les sociaux-démocrates est-allemands, patriotes, s’affairent à empêcher que leur identité et leur pays ne soient happés par la RFA au niveau national ou par le parti frère de Bonn au niveau partisan. Au-delà de la politique effectivement menée, ce travail s’intéresse donc aux aspirations véhiculées par le parti est-allemand durant son l’année d’existence autonome jusqu’à sa fusion avec le SPD de RFA, le 26 septembre 1990, quelques jours avant la Réunification nationale. / This dissertation analyses the personal and collective background and development of the approximately 40 founding members of the Social democratic Party in the GDR (SDP, then SPD) from October 7th 1989 until the fusion of both German Social democratic parties on September 26th 1990, 8 days before the national Reunification. Beyond the revolutionary act against the East German regime and the SED, this thesis tries to retace the structural and programmatic development of the party and insists on the East-German basis of its ideology. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the SDP has to position itself vis-à-vis the national question and its relations to the West German SPD. The latter helps its new partner but tries to dominate the East German party, especially after it has become part of the East German government after the free national elections on March 18th 1990. Although the majority of the East German population hopes for a prompt reunification as it is promised by the conservative parties in Bonn and Berlin, the SPD tries to avoid a complete rendition of East-German identity and succeeds in maintaining some of its aspects beyond the German Reunification. Nevertheless, the East German social democrats fight for the ratification of the three Treaties by the West German SPD part of which seems reluctant. Throughout their political actions, the East German social democrats seek to maintain their identity which they consider no less valuable than the one that is impersonated by the Federal Republic and the West German SPD. This dissertation tries not only to depict the social democratic policies but to analyze the evolution of objectives within the year of its autonomous existence.

This paper examines different foreign policies of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea) with regards to a peaceful reunification of the Korean Peninsula. The paper uses the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism to analyze what impact the different foreign policies of South Korea towards North Korea have had on their relations, thus providing an understanding of what impact those foreign policies have had on the peaceful reunification process of the Korean Peninsula. The paper will also look at the First Korean Nuclear Crisis, the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis, the ROKS Cheonan sinking and the shelling of Yeonpyeong, and with the help from the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism, analyze what impact those incidents have had on South Korea’s foreign policy and relations with North Korea, thus providing an understanding what impact those incidents have had on the peaceful reunification process of the Korean Peninsula.