Darbe siekiama išanalizuoti Lietuvos kariuomenės atstovų, dalyvaujančių tarptautinėse taikos rėmimo operacijose, vykdomos viešosios diplomatijos įtaką kuriamam valstybės vidaus įvaizdžiui. Pastaroji tema iškelia problemą, reikalaujančią ištirti, ar dėmesys viešajai diplomatijai yra pakankamas, atsižvelgiant į jos nešamą naudą įvaizdžio formavimo procese. Siekiant tikslingos ir konkrečios analizės, apibrėžiamos darbo ribos – darbe neanalizuojamos visos taikos rėmimo operacijos, kuriose dalyvauja Lietuvos atstovai, o orientuojamasi tik į NATO vykdomas tarptautines operacijas, kuriose tarnauja Lietuvos kariai, t.y. Afganistanas, Irakas bei Kosovas, į kurį 2009-aisiais metais buvo nusiųstas paskutinis Lietuvos karių būrys ir Lietuvos misija šiame krašte šiuo metu jau yra baigta, tačiau dalyvavimas joje neabejotinai turėjo įtakos Lietuvos įvaizdžiui. Ieškant atsakymo pateikiama viešosios diplomatijos samprata, išskiriant svarbiausias dimensijas ir įrankius, analizuojama viešosios diplomatijos įtaka formuojant ne tik šalies išorinį, bet ir vidinį įvaizdį, atskleidžiama, kaip Lietuvos kariuomenės atstovų dalyvavimas tarptautinėse taikos palaikymo operacijose prisideda prie valstybės įvaizdžio formavimo. Atlikus apklausų duomenų palyginimus bei rezultatų analizę išaiškėjo, kad visuomenė pasitiki Lietuvos kariuomenės institucija bei remia šalies narystę NATO. Ir nors mato iškylančius neigiamus dalyvavimo taikos rėmimo operacijose aspektus, t.y. padidėjusias valstybės biudžeto... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The main objective of this study is to analyze how public diplomacy implemented in peacekeeping operations by the Lithuanian army representatives influences country’s image. The subject gives a rise to a problem which needs a deeper analysis: it is vital to find out if attention drawn to public diplomacy by the state officials is sufficient, to consider the benefit it brings to the image formation process. In pursuance of purposeful analysis it is necessary to define the limits of the research – this study does not analyze all peacekeeping operations but focuses only on the NATO-led international operations in which Lithuanian soldiers are employed, i.e. the operations of Afghanistan, Iraq and Kosovo. The Kosovo operation is already finished for us as the last squad was sent on 2009, but the participation in this mission still has an influence to Lithuania’s image. This study presents the conception of public diplomacy, characterizes its main dimensions and instruments, analyzes the influence of public diplomacy on shaping an external and internal country image and reveals how the participation of Lithuanian army representatives in international peacekeeping operations contributes to the image of the state. The survey data comparisons and analysis of the results showed a public confidence in Lithuanian Armed Forces and support to country's membership in NATO. Although citizens witness the negative aspects of partaking in peacekeeping operations, i.e. an increase in... [to full text]

The rise of the Private Military Industry has been cemented in modern global political reality, but where next will this multi-billion dollar industry go and what form will it take after the market boom of Iraq? Post-Colonial Africa is considered the birthplace of the modern mercenary and historically features prominently as a testament to the potential for immoral privately sponsored military activities within unstable states. Moreover, it is a rich market that the Private Military Industry is increasingly turning its attention to, albeit focussing on support functions for now, but a massive industry with a competitive and poorly regulated market environment will invariably begin to explore different avenues as competition grows. With market diversification grows the ethical risk of abuse. At the same time, peacekeeping efforts across the continent are hampered by numerous factors, not least of all a chronic lack of trained personnel. Could the legal and political legitimacy, not to mention the sustainable market environment sought by the PMI potentially exist in multilaterally sanctioned, privatised peacekeeping and peace support operations in Africa? Can the ethical challenges of mercenarism be suspended or even bypassed for the sake of expedient intervention in potential genocides, or be perhaps pragmatically accepted as an inevitable development that should be embraced rather than condemned, for strategic security reasons? Can the ethical condemnation of the proposed means of peace support be overridden by the potential ends generated by such a move? Is the world ready for privatised peacekeepers? This dissertation explores the ethical background to the privatisation of military operations and how these foreign policy trends and social perceptions of control of force impact on the notion of privatised peacekeeping, particularly in the context of operations in Africa. It investigates the philosophical implications of privatised peacekeeping by way of a constrained pragmatic form of consequentialist evaluation that warns against reckless expediency. Ultimately, this dissertation offers a more philosophically suitable argument to justify and control this seemingly inevitable next step in the trend of privatisation of force. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

Peace has finally come to Aceh. The Indonesian province has suffered for over 30 years through conflict with the Indonesian army. Instrumental in having achieved this peaceful outcome has been the role of the European Union (EU). Its crucial monitoring role and long term commitment had a profound impact on the province, helping to end the hostilities and to rebuild Aceh. The EU-led Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) is the central feature of this thesis. Like Aceh, Europe has experienced wars. However, since the beginnings of Western European institution building, peace and cooperation in the region transpired. This phenomenon has spread across the continent. The progressive structure enabled the EU to flourish as a cooperative institution, especially in the aftermath of the Cold War east-west division. This period also gave the EU an opportunity to expand its peaceful legacy by exporting its values abroad. The development of the EU's external capability to deliver such aspirations is a central part of this thesis. The thesis seeks to draw a connection with the EU's quest to bring peace to Aceh with international relations (IR) theory. As such, it assesses the EU's motives and interests in the Aceh peace process to discover what they were based on. After assessing both realist and liberalist IR viewpoints, the thesis’ central findings confirm the liberal motives of the EU. The EU has predominantly acted in the interests of Aceh. It helped bring many liberal based values to the province and experienced constructive relations with Indonesia and other powers in the region. Whilst realist orientated EU power motives are outlined, the EU's liberal agenda based on mediation, peace and security, multilateralism, democracy and human rights - as core liberal elements - are more convincing explanations as this thesis argues.

In this thesis the process by which crime investigation, detection and prosecution became an integral function of the British police service is analysed through an examination of public records, contemporary papers and documents, and by reference to the literature on policing. The impact of the adoption of that function on the role, organisation and management of modem British policing is then assessed. It is established that at its foundation by Robert Peel's Metropolitan Police Act of 1829, the British professional police service was intended to be a purely preventive and protective body of uniformed patrolling constables. The function of crime investigation, detection and criminal prosecution was then subsequently added to its responsibilities by government using administrative rather than any democratic or legislative means, thus creating the present dual crime prevention and crime detection role of the police. Major recurrentp roblemse xperiencedb y the modemB ritish police servicea re identified as arising from that change in its original functions and purposes, and proposals for action to resolve them are set out.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Há um crescente interesse da comunidade epistêmica de internacionalistas sobre a posição da política externa brasileira em diversos temas, particularmente sobre o modo pelo qual o Brasil atua nas operações de paz promovidas pelas Nações Unidas. Desse modo, este trabalho pretende refletir criticamente sobre a existência de um modelo histórico e legítimo que orienta a participação brasileira nessas operações de paz e avaliar de que forma esse modelo brasileiro foi ou poderia ser instrumentalizado pelos formuladores de política externa, para construir um discurso de legitimidade a fim de conquistar seus pleitos diplomáticos.O objeto de pesquisa analisado nesta dissertação é, portanto, o modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz nas quais o Brasil efetivamente enviou tropas: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Moçambique (1993-1994), Timor Leste (1999-2002) e Haiti (2004-2012). Esse modelo formulado está apoiado em seis características principais, os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático. / There is a risingawareness of the epistemic community of internationalists on the Brazilian foreign policy position on several issues, particularly on the way in which Brazil runs peacekeeping operations promoted by the United Nations. Thus, this work aims toreflect critically on the existence of an historical and legitimate model that guides the Brazilian participation in these peacekeeping operations and to assess how this Brazilian model was or could be used by foreign policymakers to build a discourse of legitimacy in order to obtain their diplomatic interests. The object of research studied in this dissertation is, therefore, the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations in which Brazil effectively sent troops: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Mozambique (1993-1994), East Timor (1999-2002) and Haiti (2004-2012).This model is formulated based on six main characteristics, the 6 "Ps" of the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations: pioneer, principist, personal, politician, controversial and pragmatic.

No study has so far documented the characteristics of a military strategy based on offensive operations and whether they influence the security situation in the areas in which they are launched. Yet, it seems extremely important to study because there is a growing trend in Peacekeeping Operations of becoming more robust in the use of force by applying this kind of military strategy. This study aims to develop a new theory to explain the short and long term effects of applying a military strategy based on offensive operations which are politically restrained in the use of force and asks to what extent it affects it. Deriving from war and peace research, this study argues that when a strategy based on restrained offensive operations is applied, it is likely that stability improves in the short term but deteriorates in the long term presenting a ‘V’ shape effect. This is because the political restriction on the use of force does not allow achieving a decisive victory. Using the method of structured focused comparison, most similar case, the suggested hypothesis is tested on two UN sectors belonging to the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The results show some support for the theorized relationship, although the ‘V’ shape was less pronounced than expected. Hence, further research is needed to refine the causal mechanism suggested. This study does not provide empirical evidence, neither should be interpreted that in order to make Peacekeeping Operations more effective it is necessary to conduct full-fledge offensive operations.

Em dezembro de 2012, após treze anos, três mandatos de operações de paz e dois mandatos de missões políticas, a ONU se retirava do território do Timor-Leste de maneira bastante discreta. Fechava-se, naquele momento, um ciclo de participação da Organização na vida política e econômica daquele país, que se iniciara com os episódios de violência de 1999, quando milicianos pró-indonésia tentaram impedir o processo político de autodeterminação do povo timorense. Herdando um país com suas infraestruturas destruídas e mais de um quarto de sua população refugiada ou deslocada internamente, a ONU não apenas pacificou o território como também empreendeu ali um processo de Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB), onde sua participação variou entre o exercício pleno de todos os poderes soberanos atinentes às funções de governo de qualquer Estado ao apoio de assessores altamente especializados em prol do governo independente do Timor-Leste. O balanço final dessa participação é positivo na medida que revela um país com estruturas governamentais consolidadas, formalmente democrático e com boas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro lado, o combate à pobreza, a consolidação da pacificação social, a necessidade de maior participação popular na política e a redução da dependência de sua economia em relação ao petróleo seguem sendo desafios não resolvidos e, em grande medida, externalidades provocadas pela própria ONU. / In December 2012, after thirteen years, three mandates of peace operations and two mandates of political missions, the UN withdrew from the territory of Timor-Leste in a rather discreet manner. At that moment, a cycle of the Organization's participation in the political and economic life of that country, which began with the 1999 episodes of violence, occurred when pro-Indonesian militiamen tried to impede the political process of self-determination of the Timorese people. Inheriting a country with its destroyed infrastructure and more than a quarter of its population refugee or internally displaced, the UN not only pacified the territory but also undertook a Post-conflict Peacebuilding (PCPB) process, where its participation ranged from full exercise of all sovereign powers pertaining to the government functions of any State to the support of highly specialized advisers for the independent government of Timor-Leste. The final balance of this participation is positive insofar as it reveals a country with consolidated government structures, formally democratic and good rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the fight against poverty, the consolidation of social pacification, the need for greater popular participation in politics and the reduction of dependence of its economy on oil remain unresolved challenges and, to a large extent, externalities caused by the UN itself.

Fundação Carlos Chagas Filho de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / Há um crescente interesse da comunidade epistêmica de internacionalistas sobre a posição da política externa brasileira em diversos temas, particularmente sobre o modo pelo qual o Brasil atua nas operações de paz promovidas pelas Nações Unidas. Desse modo, este trabalho pretende refletir criticamente sobre a existência de um modelo histórico e legítimo que orienta a participação brasileira nessas operações de paz e avaliar de que forma esse modelo brasileiro foi ou poderia ser instrumentalizado pelos formuladores de política externa, para construir um discurso de legitimidade a fim de conquistar seus pleitos diplomáticos.O objeto de pesquisa analisado nesta dissertação é, portanto, o modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz nas quais o Brasil efetivamente enviou tropas: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Moçambique (1993-1994), Timor Leste (1999-2002) e Haiti (2004-2012). Esse modelo formulado está apoiado em seis características principais, os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático. / There is a risingawareness of the epistemic community of internationalists on the Brazilian foreign policy position on several issues, particularly on the way in which Brazil runs peacekeeping operations promoted by the United Nations. Thus, this work aims toreflect critically on the existence of an historical and legitimate model that guides the Brazilian participation in these peacekeeping operations and to assess how this Brazilian model was or could be used by foreign policymakers to build a discourse of legitimacy in order to obtain their diplomatic interests. The object of research studied in this dissertation is, therefore, the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations in which Brazil effectively sent troops: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Mozambique (1993-1994), East Timor (1999-2002) and Haiti (2004-2012).This model is formulated based on six main characteristics, the 6 "Ps" of the Brazilian model of participation in peacekeeping operations: pioneer, principist, personal, politician, controversial and pragmatic.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-15T19:29:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Jessica Espíndola de Sá.pdf: 1153119 bytes, checksum: dc597206d9eceda1404095910c8456f2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-15T19:29:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Jessica Espíndola de Sá.pdf: 1153119 bytes, checksum: dc597206d9eceda1404095910c8456f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-19 / CAPES / This dissertation aims to describe and to analyze the Brazilian decision to participate of MINUSTAH and the factors that have influenced it. It is the UN peacekeeping operation that most projects Brazil’s image in the International scenario due to the leading role assumed by the country, and also for being the main contributor of troops. The political decision of a state, concerning a foreign policy, is a complex process that involves several stakeholders and important factors to be evaluated and pondered in order to reach a final decision. Brazil’s participation in Haiti is assumed to be motivated by various factors, ranging from solidarity to a “brother country” and humanitarian assistance to pragmatic interests, such as the power projection. To define this process of decision-making, it will be analyzed some important factors, such as internal and external conjuncture, the domestic and international stakeholders involved, national and collective interests and the values and beliefs defended by decision makers. / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo central descrever e analisar a decisão brasileira de participar da MINUSTAH e os fatores que a influenciaram. Trata-se da operação de paz da ONU que mais projeta a imagem do Brasil no cenário internacional devido ao papel de liderança assumido pelo país, como também por ser o principal contribuinte de tropas. A decisão política de um Estado, no âmbito da política externa, se constitui em um processo complexo e que envolve uma série de atores essenciais e fatores relevantes a serem avaliados e ponderados para que se chegue a uma decisão final. Acredita-se que a participação do Brasil no Haiti foi motivada por diversos fatores, que abrangem desde a solidariedade a um país irmão e a prestação de assistência humanitária, até interesses pragmáticos, como a projeção de poder. Para delinear o processo de tomada desta decisão pretende-se abordar em sua construção fatores imprescindíveis à análise, como a conjuntura interna e externa do momento; os atores envolvidos, tanto domésticos quanto internacionais; os interesses nacionais e coletivos e os valores e crenças defendidos pelos atores.

A partir da década de 1990, a abordagem das operações de paz sofreu transformações em campo, uma vez que passaram a se envolver com atividades de reconstrução de Estados (statebuilding), que haviam sido destruídos por conflitos internos. Dessa forma, o seu grau de intervenção em âmbito doméstico se ampliou, desafiando a noção de soberania territorial e o princípio de não intervenção. A UNMIK é uma operação de paz desse tipo, mas é a mais ousada por ter assumido uma administração interina em Kosovo, ex-província iugoslava. Essa intervenção internacional foi justificada pela proteção dos direitos humanos da comunidade albanesa, maioria da população de Kosovo, que havia sido massacrada por uma política de limpeza étnica entre 1998 e 1999, perpetrada por Slobodan Milosevic. Do momento de sua implementação (1999) à independência autodeclarada do território (2008), a UNMIK desempenhou papel de representante local ao ocupar espaços dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário de Kosovo e, ao mesmo tempo, foi emissária da comunidade internacional para manutenção da paz e da segurança internacional nessa zona de conflito. O seu principal objetivo era estabelecer um Estado de Direito por meio da democratização das estruturas de governo e da liberalização do mercado. Até hoje, a operação de paz não se desvencilhou de suas atribuições governamentais, permanecendo ali por tempo indeterminado. / From the 1990s, the approach of the peacekeeping operations have changed in the field, once they started undertaking state building activities in war-torn states. In this way, their intervention level in the local dimension increased, challenging the notion of territorial sovereignty and the non-intervention principle. UNMIK is one of this kind of peacekeeping operation, but this is the most audacious one, once it was in charge of an interim administration in Kosovo, the former Yugoslav province. This international intervention was justified by the human rights protection of the Albanian community, the majority of the Kosovo population, who was massacred due to an ethnic cleansing policy between 1998 and 1999, undertaken by Slobodan Milosevic. From its implementation (1999) to the self-declared independence of the territory (2008), UNMIK had played a local representative role exercising Executive, Legislative and Judiciary powers in Kosovo and, at the same time, it was an emissary of international community for the maintenance of peace and international security in this zone of conflict. Its main goal was to establish the Rule of Law through the democratization of government structures and market liberalization. So far, the peacekeeping operation has not been able to pull itself away from its governmental duties, remaining there indefinitely.