[pt] Enquanto a moldura teórica de Clausewitz foi essencial para lidar com as guerras modernas, a compreensão do uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional ainda demanda urgentemente uma teoria de trabalho. Em 1945, o preâmbulo da Carta das Nações Unidas, ao enfatizar a determinação de salvar as gerações futuras do flagelo da guerra, estabeleceu uma clara dicotomia entre o bem, representado pela paz, e o mal, representado pela guerra. Entretanto, esta tentativa de evitar as guerras entre estados e de proteger as populações acabou criando as condições de possibilidade para o uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional. O fenômeno do uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional é relativamente novo e tem sido caracterizado, principalmente, por operações de manutenção da paz robustas, intervenções humanitárias e, ainda mais recentemente, pela responsabilidade de proteger (R2P). Inspirado em uma abordagem clausewitziana e introduzindo conceitos, tais como as operações de manutenção da paz absolutas (absolute peacekeeping) e a trindade terciária, a presente tese de doutorado propõe uma moldura teórica para compreender o uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional, aplicando, ainda, a moldura proposta em dois eventos recentes: a operação de manutenção da paz no Haiti (MINUSTAH) e a intervenção de 2011 na Líbia. / [en] While Clausewitz s theoretical framework was instrumental in dealing with modern wars, the undrestanding of the use of force on behalf of the internacional community is still in urgent need of a working theory. In 1945, the preamble of the Charter of the United Nations, while emphasizing the determination to save future generations from the scourge of war, established a clear dichotomy between good, represented by peace, and evil, represented by war. Nevertheless, the attempt to avoid wars between states and to protect populations ended up creating the conditions of possibility for the use of force on the behalf of the international community. The phenomenon of the use of force on behalf of the international community is therefore somewhat new. It has been mainly characterized by contemporary robust peacekeenping, humanitarian interventions, and (even more recently) responsibility to protect (R2P). Inspired by a Clausewitzian approach and introducing concepts such as abolute peacekeeping and thrinity, the present doctoral dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to understand the use of force on behalf of the international community. It also applies the proposed theoretical framework in order to understand two recent events: the UN peacekeeping operation in Haiti (MINUSTAH) and the 2011 intervention in Libya.

The thesis provides legal analysis of sexual exploitation and abuse by UN peacekeepers with particular focus on military members of national peacekeeping contingents. It provides brief survey of peacekeeping operations thereby underlying their importance in the contemporary activities of the UN and describing factors that have caused or might led to sexual exploitation and abuse by UN peacekeepers. Furthermore, UN action towards those acts is described and it is also evaluated whether such steps are successful, sufficient and whether more could have been done or what more can be done in the future. A part is also dedicated to international humanitarian law perspective and international human rights law. In this context, the author tries to answer the question if and when the sexual exploitation and abuse by members of national peacekeeping contingents while deployed to a UN peacekeeping mission may constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity and whether there is a role to play by International Criminal Court. In the same vein, issues of extraterritorial application of human rights treaties are discussed. The question of international responsibility is the central topic of this thesis. Apart from individual responsibility of members of national peacekeeping contingents for acts of sexual...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FABIANA PEREIRA BARBALHO.pdf: 1767202 bytes, checksum: 32aeda02c693ba5c109ce2b3edd24f2a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-12 / The objective of this work is to analyze the United Nations Mission for the Stabilization of Haiti (MINUSTAH) in the foreign policy of the Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva government. The intention is to present some considerations regarding Brazilian foreign policy and the effects of the performance of the Midwest region contingent. This will be done by presenting the Haitian historical setting and by examining the motivations that led Brazil to accept the MINUSTAH command. Haiti, the second colony in the American continent to obtain independence, has gone through decades of dictatorships and political struggles and, therefore, several foreign interventions were carried out in the country. However, over the years, the deficient state structure intensified, and, along with serious socio-economic crisis, natural disasters and disease outbreaks, suffering among the population also increased. In 2004, with the resignation of President Jean-Bertrand, a widespread chaos broke out and caught the attention of the international community. MINUSTAH (approved by Resolution 1542 of UNSC on April 30, 2004) arrived in Haiti on June 1st of the same year under the leadership of Maj. Gen. Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira. The mission aims were: to support the constitutional and political process of the country; to seek to guarantee a safe and stable environment to all the citizens; to aid the transitional government in monitoring and reforming the Haitian National Police; to assist in conducting municipal, parliamentary and presidential elections; and to promote and protect human rights. MINUSTAH had their mandates renewed several times through UNSC resolutions, which established the conduct guidelines of the troops and redefined the strategies, adapting these to political, socioeconomic and security transformations that the country presented. The Midwest region contingent, our main research object, arrived in Port au Prince in the first half of December 2006 together with Peacekeeping Operations Group (DOPaz). This group, originally from the Special Operations Brigade based in Goiânia (Brazil), found an environment of immense insecurity. A series of extremely violent kidnappings and several killings were broadcasted in newspapers around the world. The contingent conducted several enforcement operations, which achieved short-term decrease in the levels of violence in the Haitian capital, Port au Prince, and in neighborhoods like Cité Militaire and Cité Soleil. The research was developed with a dialectical approach, with a historical analysis procedure and through literature and document analysis. Various sources of information were used, such as articles from specialized and non-specialized journals, theses, Brazilian Government and the UN official documents, and multiple books that deal with the topic. / Esse trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a Missão das Nações Unidas para a Estabilização do Haiti (MINUSTAH) na política externa do Governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Pretende-se, por meio da exposição de um cenário histórico do Haiti e do exame das motivações que levaram o Brasil a aceitar o comando da MINUSTAH, apresentar algumas considerações a respeito da política externa brasileira e dos reflexos da atuação do contingente região Centro Oeste na missão. O Haiti, a segunda colônia nas Américas a conquistar sua independência, passou por décadas de ditaduras e lutas políticas, com isso, várias intervenções estrangeiras foram realizadas no país com a finalidade de minimizar os efeitos da ineficiência estatal. No entanto, com o passar dos anos, a estrutura estatal deficitária foi se intensificando, ademais, graves crises socioeconômicas, catástrofes naturais e surtos de doenças aumentaram o sofrimento da população. Em 2004, com a renúncia do presidente Jean-Bertrand Aristide eclodiu um caos generalizado que despertou a atenção da comunidade internacional. A MINUSTAH (aprovada pela Resolução 1542 do CSNU, em 30 de abril de 2004) chegou ao Haiti no dia 1º de junho do mesmo ano sob chefia do General de Divisão Augusto Heleno Ribeiro Pereira. A missão tinha como objetivo dar apoio ao processo constitucional e político do país; buscar assegurar a todos os cidadãos um ambiente seguro e estável; apoiar o governo de transição no monitoramento e reforma da Polícia Nacional Haitiana; auxiliar na realização de eleições municipais, parlamentares e presidenciais; e promover e proteger os direitos humanos. A MINUSTAH teve seus mandatos renovados diversas vezes por meio de resoluções do CSNU que estabeleciam as diretrizes de conduta das tropas e a redefinição de estratégias, adaptando-as transformações políticas, socioeconômicas e de segurança que o país apresentava. O contingente região Centro Oeste, nosso principal objeto de pesquisa, chegou em Porto Príncipe na primeira quinzena de dezembro de 2006 juntamente com o Destacamento de Operações de Paz (DOPaz). Esse grupo, oriundo da Brigada de Operações Especiais, sediado em Goiânia, encontrou um ambiente de grande insegurança, uma sequência de sequestros extremamente violentos e várias mortes sendo noticiadas em jornais de todo o mundo. O contingente realizou várias operações coercitivas, conseguindo em curto prazo diminuir os índices de violência na capital do Haiti, Porto Príncipe, e em bairros como Cité Militaire e Cité Soleil. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida sob uma abordagem dialética, utilizando como procedimento uma análise histórica, através de pesquisas bibliográficas e documentais, sendo usada várias fontes de informações como artigos de periódicos especializados e não especializados, teses, documentos oficiais do Governo Brasileiro e da ONU, e múltiplos livros que versam sobre o tema.

Peacekeeping is a means by which international or regional organizations control conflict situations that are likely to endanger international peace and security. Most scholars have viewed the contributions of peacekeeping forces only in terms of failures, and they have not investigated fully the political-military circumstances" under which conflict control measures succeed. This dissertation is an attempt to bridge this gap and to show how the OAU compares with the UN in carrying out peacekeeping missions. The method of research was the case study method in which primary and secondary data was used to describe the situations in which six peacekeeping forces operated. The content of resolutions, official reports and secondary data were examined for non-trivial evidences of impediments to implementation of mandates. Findings from the research indicate that peacekeeping missions not properly backed by political efforts at settlement of disputes, cooperation of the superpowers, and financial and logistic support were ineffective and usually unsuccessful. Lack of consensus and pursuit of national interests have resulted in ambiguous or unrealistic mandates and have reduced the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations. Moreover, parties to a conflict were interested only in solutions that favored their interests and were often skeptical about the role and credibility of peacekeeping forces. But the continued violations of ceasefire agreements in defiance of the presence of peacekeeping forces were due partly to the force's inability to use force except in self-defense , Most of the forces operated under serious operational and logistical difficulties and they were inadequately funded. But none of the three factors has been responsible alone for the failure of peacekeeping missions. The coordination of UN operations has been better than that of the OAU. In civil war situations, national governments have requested peacekeeping forces because they could not, unaided, put down their opponents. The UN has deployed its forces only as a means of relaxing tensions while member-states have pursued other interests.

As the global demand for natural resources grows, conflicts and instability surrounding minerals and resources continue to mark the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operation MONUSCO has been deployed in the DRC since 2010, and that same year, the United States (US) established the Dodd-Frank Act with its Section 1502 concerning conflict minerals originating from the DRC. These actors play a crucial partin the effects foreign aid and support has on the Government of the DRC’s efforts to act autonomously in order to mitigate conflicts and create peace, yet research on the matter mainly focuses on the impact the Dodd-Frank Act has on American companies and the Congolese population, as well as the challenges of MONUSCO. This study therefore aims at investigating how the involvement of these actors have affected the Government of the DRC’s ability to act autonomously in peacekeeping, through a qualitative content analysis based on 22 UN Security Council Resolutions on the extension of MONUSCO and Section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act. These documents have been analysed through the theoretical framework of neo-colonialism, dependency theory and aid dependency. The results of this thesis show that the involvement of MONUSCO and the establishment of the Dodd-Frank Act has increased the DRC’s dependence on their support, as previous research points out how violence has increased after the Dodd-Frank Act’s entry into force. The results further show that the conditions created by these actors have left the Government of the DRC in a state of dependence instead of strengthening their sovereignty and ability to act autonomously in creating peace.