Taiwan¡¦s monopoly system, originating from the Military Governor Ming-chuan Liu of Qing Dynasty and applied by the Japanese, was a major financial source in Japan-colonized Taiwan. Chen Yi, the first ROC Chief Executive and Garrison Commander of Taiwan, renamed the Monopoly Bureau of Government-General as the Monopoly Bureau of Taiwan and then continued its monopolistic business. He stipulated five items -- tobacco, alcohol, camphor, matches, and measurement gadgets-- be monopolized by government whereas private manufacturing and sales be barred under the supervision of the Monopoly Bureau. Also banned from private transactions are certain necessities, such as salt, lime, cane sugar, gasoline, and electricity, which were distributed by some authorities other than the Monopoly Bureau. It was thought that such measures could restrict individual capital, and reinforce national capital in the hopes of realizing the idea of the nation founding, based on the doctrines of the Three People¡¦s Principles. Dr. Sun Yat-sen, though asserting capital restrictions in some degree, was not opposed to private capital, but, rather, was keen to encourage private enterprises. He had the national industries developed by a dual action via both private enterprises and national organizations. His philosophy argued that those productions not so proper to be commissioned to a state-run organization as to a private one should, along with incentives from the state and protection by the law, be rendered to the latter for operations. Based on this, it appeared obvious that people¡¦s livelihood didn¡¦t connote nationalization. And by no means did livelihood denote that the government could confiscate the industries already operated by civilians. After a further study, a distinction could be found in the argument between the economic centralization implemented by the authorities of Taiwan¡¦s administrative officers and the capital restriction elaborated in the Principles of People¡¦s Livelihood. The colossal assets taken over from Japanese-owned industries didn¡¦t mean any opportunities to reinforce national capital. Instead, monopolistic business was designed to operate by the government and afterwards turned up being outstanding samples of state-owned businesses among the industries in post-war Taiwan. The key factor consisted in the fact that state-owned industries were run under the supervision of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly, which boosted the managerial performance. The revenues from monopolistic sales of tobacco and spirits were crucial to the finances of our country and were helpful to the development of its economic constructions. The monopoly featured two functions. One function was to revive the production of the state-owned industries, which laid a foundation to carry out a six-term Four-year Economic Program, beginning in 1953; to make a substitute for imports; to spur export expansion; and to help kick-start our country¡¦s economic boom. The other function was to improve village constructions with land reforms of Three-seven-five Rent Deduction (a program limiting the rent of a land to a maximum of 37.5 percent of its total product), Release of State Lands, and Land-to-the-tillers Movements. The monopoly system was an indispensable support of finances, and it also ensured that the capital from the agricultural sector could be transferred to the industrial sector, which proved that provincial constructions were closely related to national economic development.

This thesis analyses the emergence and evolution of the think-tanks in Turkey. It seeks primarily to answer to whether or not it is possible to mention &lsquo / a think-tank culture&rsquo / in Turkey. After the definition, characteristics and types of the think-tank term are debated, the historical background of think-tanks all over the world is analyzed. The thesis looks at similarities and differences among the think-tanks in and outside Turkey in terms of their size and areas of specialization. It also tries to find out who are pioneering to the establishment of think-tanks, whom the think-tanks are serving, which financial resources and functions they have in Turkey.

Genetically modified insect-resistant (Bt) cotton is widely cultivated in Pakistan, although the Pakistani Government has yet to approve its commercial cultivation. This thesis is the first in-depth, systematic and critical examination of its commercialisation through the informal sector, and explains the conundrum of around 6.4 million acres of ‘illegal’ cultivation of a GM crop. / Most popular Bt varieties under cultivation in Pakistan contain Monsanto’s genetic modification event (called MON 531), widely believed to be under patent protection in Pakistan. Not wanting to infringe Monsanto’s intellectual property rights (IPR), the Pakistani Government has refused biosafety approval to these varieties. Consequently, the Pakistani breeders of these high-yielding Bt varieties commercialised them in the informal sector. This research decriminalises seed provision in the informal sector and shows that rather than being discrete categories, the formal/informal sectors are locations across which breeders and varieties travel. / For its part, Monsanto is not willing to enter the Pakistani seed market, considering it too disorderly in which to operate. It seeks to operate in the ‘high-differential’ end of the market, therefore requiring active engagement of the Government to keep the farmer from dropping out. Alternatively, Monsanto proposes that the Government licenses MON 531 on payment of an annual technology fee for use by Pakistani farmers and breeders. This technology fee is compared with Monsanto’s cost of development of Bt products, and Pakistan’s budgetary allocation for agriculture. On both counts, the technology fee demanded by Monsanto is excessive. / An examination of Pakistan’s patent law and the patents granted to Monsanto reveals that neither MON 531 nor biotechnological products/processes required for its insertion in local cotton varieties are patented in Pakistan. Thus Pakistan presents a unique case where the Government has consistently honoured patents that it never issued. It is argued that Monsanto’s non-existent IPR has been honoured due to the particular social relations between Monsanto and Pakistani farmers and breeders. Since MON 531 is a commodity objectifying the labour of a particular social group, a patent thereupon becomes a means to operationalise the social relations between this social group and those who consume this commodity. / An alternate route for commercialisation is through the hybrid seed. Monsanto is willing to enter the Pakistani seed market if its technology can be carried in hybrid seeds. But the use of hybrid seed is economically unfeasible in cotton production, and there are significant problems with hybrid seed production in large quantities for the Pakistani market. Yet Monsanto and other companies prefer the hybrid route to technology commercialisation because of an important latent function that hybrids perform – they stop the farmer from saving seed. / It is argued that IPR and the use of hybrid seed are key social and technical strategies for accumulation by dispossession. They represent the commodification of seed, which is a pre-requisite for the process of accumulation. At the same time, these appear to be the only available strategies within existing social relations for improving cotton germplasm and for providing quality Bt seed to the Pakistani farmer.

Genetically modified insect-resistant (Bt) cotton is widely cultivated in Pakistan, although the Pakistani Government has yet to approve its commercial cultivation. This thesis is the first in-depth, systematic and critical examination of its commercialisation through the informal sector, and explains the conundrum of around 6.4 million acres of ‘illegal’ cultivation of a GM crop. / Most popular Bt varieties under cultivation in Pakistan contain Monsanto’s genetic modification event (called MON 531), widely believed to be under patent protection in Pakistan. Not wanting to infringe Monsanto’s intellectual property rights (IPR), the Pakistani Government has refused biosafety approval to these varieties. Consequently, the Pakistani breeders of these high-yielding Bt varieties commercialised them in the informal sector. This research decriminalises seed provision in the informal sector and shows that rather than being discrete categories, the formal/informal sectors are locations across which breeders and varieties travel. / For its part, Monsanto is not willing to enter the Pakistani seed market, considering it too disorderly in which to operate. It seeks to operate in the ‘high-differential’ end of the market, therefore requiring active engagement of the Government to keep the farmer from dropping out. Alternatively, Monsanto proposes that the Government licenses MON 531 on payment of an annual technology fee for use by Pakistani farmers and breeders. This technology fee is compared with Monsanto’s cost of development of Bt products, and Pakistan’s budgetary allocation for agriculture. On both counts, the technology fee demanded by Monsanto is excessive. / An examination of Pakistan’s patent law and the patents granted to Monsanto reveals that neither MON 531 nor biotechnological products/processes required for its insertion in local cotton varieties are patented in Pakistan. Thus Pakistan presents a unique case where the Government has consistently honoured patents that it never issued. It is argued that Monsanto’s non-existent IPR has been honoured due to the particular social relations between Monsanto and Pakistani farmers and breeders. Since MON 531 is a commodity objectifying the labour of a particular social group, a patent thereupon becomes a means to operationalise the social relations between this social group and those who consume this commodity. / An alternate route for commercialisation is through the hybrid seed. Monsanto is willing to enter the Pakistani seed market if its technology can be carried in hybrid seeds. But the use of hybrid seed is economically unfeasible in cotton production, and there are significant problems with hybrid seed production in large quantities for the Pakistani market. Yet Monsanto and other companies prefer the hybrid route to technology commercialisation because of an important latent function that hybrids perform – they stop the farmer from saving seed. / It is argued that IPR and the use of hybrid seed are key social and technical strategies for accumulation by dispossession. They represent the commodification of seed, which is a pre-requisite for the process of accumulation. At the same time, these appear to be the only available strategies within existing social relations for improving cotton germplasm and for providing quality Bt seed to the Pakistani farmer.

abstract: This research examines the use of innovative mechanisms for encouragement of citizen participation in the governance, policy, and decision making processes using case studies of Washington, DC, the United States and Seoul, South Korea for comparison. The research illustrates ways of encouraging development of citizen participation using innovative mechanisms through comparative study. This research used a comparative case study of the two cities which focuses on how the two governments apply ICTs and foster citizen participation, what similarities and differences there are between the two city governments' performance and practices, and what may cause these similarities and differences. For the research, websites and citizen participation practices of Washington, DC and Seoul using innovative technologies - Citizen Summit and Seoul Oasis - are reviewed and compared using the categories of general capacity, actor, legal aspect, management, and evaluation. As capitals of the United States and South Korea, Washington, DC and Seoul lead the encouragement of citizen participation, and the two cities' specific practices are recognized as exemplary. The findings describe encouragement of citizen participation using innovative technologies in governance, policy, and decision making processes of Washington, DC and Seoul as well as similarities and differences. Both cities commonly use Government 2.0. Through Government 2.0, citizens can participate and influence the results and effects of policy. Also, governments secure transparency, legitimacy, and efficiency through direct communication with citizens. The study illustrates how citizen participation using innovative technologies can support civic engagement in local government. Strong leadership of the mayor is a common driving force of the two cities in initiating and implementing the Citizen Summit and Seoul Oasis. Different contexts of the two cities influence ways to initiate and utilize innovative technologies. Washington, DC implemented a practice combining public meeting and small group discussion using innovative technologies. On the other hand, Seoul initiated a new citizen participation practice based on the Internet. The results of the research show that innovative mechanisms allow adopting new government-citizen relationships in both cities. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Public Administration 2011

本論文基本上係在對冷戰後中日兩國關係演變上的中日兩國對對方國家政策取向之具體探討 根據實際資料分析研判 歸納現有問題與窒礙之處 並且探究可能之改進之道與發展趨勢其主要內容第一 回顧自第二次世界大戰以後之中日關係 而歸結其政治關係趨向 經濟關係趨向及政治與經濟之間的關係 第二 加以分析臺灣的對日政策之各因素 和日本對台政策的各項因素 如國際體系國際關係 社會 政府及個人等因素 第三 綜合上述分析 究明如所前述的因素之間的關係 及結構性質 最後根據這些分析展望未來的中日關係

After coming into government in 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) committed and became a signatory to some of the international, regional and national instruments for human rights and social security such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Section 27(1) (c)), makes specific provision for the promotion and recognition of human rights such as social and economic rights, provision of health, water, shelter and social security. This includes provision for appropriate social assistance to people who are unable to support themselves and their dependants. For human rights to be effectively realised, policies governing the administration of social grants needed to be updated to address all the inequalities of the past and poverty. Before 1994, the formulation and operationalisation of policy in South Africa was characterised by a lack of transparency, while participation and the inclusion of all affected stakeholders was limited. To address this situation, the primary objective of this study was to develop a policymaking framework for the effective implementation of social assistance by the Department of Social Development (DSD) and the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA). The study included an assessment of the extent to which the existing policy-making framework for social assistance in South Africa has affected policy implementation within and between SASSA and DSD. To achieve this primary objective, a number of secondary objectives had to be achieved. These included: • To explore and conduct a literature survey on the prevailing theories and models of the existing theoretical framework and principles of the public policy-making process and policy implementation; • To analyse statutory, regulatory requirements and guidelines defining the functionality and relationship between DSD and SASSA in the implementation of the social assistance programme; and • To develop guidelines and propose key recommendations on how DSD and SASSA can improve on policy-making processes to achieve a more effective implementation of the social assistance programme. A case study design was followed for data collection, with SASSA Gauteng region as case study. Data was collected by means of interviews using an interview schedule, and was conducted with both regional and local office staff as units of analysis. The empirical findings emanating from the interviews indicated that, although there is some collaboration between DSD and SASSA during the policy-making processes, there are strong indications that this is not cascaded down to the operational levels for implementation. All of the interview participants agreed that the nature of current policy processes is reactionary to problems facing the South African Government. Participants maintained that there is limited or no consultation between DSD and SASSA before any agenda-setting process to determine the level of commitment and buy-in from stakeholders. Within the policy-making context public participation as defined by the UNDP (1981:5) in Cloete and De Coning (2011:91) entails the creation of opportunities that enable all members of a community and the larger society to actively contribute to and influence the development process and to share in the fruits of development. According to the findings, policy formulation and implementation between DSD and SASSA require people with specific policy formulation, policy analysis and general research skills. Monitoring and effective evaluation of impact and analysis of the policy should also be considered as one of the key areas requiring urgent improvement. The recommendations provided are aimed at assisting both DSD and SASSA, in terms of social assistance, and to add value to the current policy-making, implementation, and service delivery processes. / M Public Administration, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

After coming into government in 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) committed and became a signatory to some of the international, regional and national instruments for human rights and social security such as the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Section 27(1) (c)), makes specific provision for the promotion and recognition of human rights such as social and economic rights, provision of health, water, shelter and social security. This includes provision for appropriate social assistance to people who are unable to support themselves and their dependants. For human rights to be effectively realised, policies governing the administration of social grants needed to be updated to address all the inequalities of the past and poverty. Before 1994, the formulation and operationalisation of policy in South Africa was characterised by a lack of transparency, while participation and the inclusion of all affected stakeholders was limited. To address this situation, the primary objective of this study was to develop a policymaking framework for the effective implementation of social assistance by the Department of Social Development (DSD) and the South African Social Security Agency (SASSA). The study included an assessment of the extent to which the existing policy-making framework for social assistance in South Africa has affected policy implementation within and between SASSA and DSD. To achieve this primary objective, a number of secondary objectives had to be achieved. These included: • To explore and conduct a literature survey on the prevailing theories and models of the existing theoretical framework and principles of the public policy-making process and policy implementation; • To analyse statutory, regulatory requirements and guidelines defining the functionality and relationship between DSD and SASSA in the implementation of the social assistance programme; and • To develop guidelines and propose key recommendations on how DSD and SASSA can improve on policy-making processes to achieve a more effective implementation of the social assistance programme. A case study design was followed for data collection, with SASSA Gauteng region as case study. Data was collected by means of interviews using an interview schedule, and was conducted with both regional and local office staff as units of analysis. The empirical findings emanating from the interviews indicated that, although there is some collaboration between DSD and SASSA during the policy-making processes, there are strong indications that this is not cascaded down to the operational levels for implementation. All of the interview participants agreed that the nature of current policy processes is reactionary to problems facing the South African Government. Participants maintained that there is limited or no consultation between DSD and SASSA before any agenda-setting process to determine the level of commitment and buy-in from stakeholders. Within the policy-making context public participation as defined by the UNDP (1981:5) in Cloete and De Coning (2011:91) entails the creation of opportunities that enable all members of a community and the larger society to actively contribute to and influence the development process and to share in the fruits of development. According to the findings, policy formulation and implementation between DSD and SASSA require people with specific policy formulation, policy analysis and general research skills. Monitoring and effective evaluation of impact and analysis of the policy should also be considered as one of the key areas requiring urgent improvement. The recommendations provided are aimed at assisting both DSD and SASSA, in terms of social assistance, and to add value to the current policy-making, implementation, and service delivery processes. / M Public Administration, North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

This study examined the policy letters and verbal testimony transcripts submitted by interest groups to the United States Department of Education (USDE) in response to the proposed regulations pertaining to the implementation of the 1997 reauthorization of P. L. 105-17, Individuals with Disabilities Education Act (IDEA). Specifically, this study analyzed the emerging themes in the area of discipline. Responses were received from the following interest groups: (a) school administrators, (b) parents, (c) teachers, (d) state educational agencies (SEAs), (e) national educational organizations, and (f) members of the United States Congress. In addition to analyzing the emerging themes, the study compared these themes to ones found in the current literature and court cases.

利益團體以接近政府，影響政府政策制定為現代民主國家多元社會的表徵。政治學上團體理論認為，無論任何團體若欲影響政府政策制定，莫不介入政策制定過程中，政策制定為團體競爭的結果。因此，政策制定的過程充滿複雜多元的性質。 　　本文主要針對公共利益團體如何影響政策制定過程作一探討，並且以「消費者保護法」的制定過程為個案分析。因此，本文涵蓋下列章節： 　　第一章緒論。說明本文之研究動機與目的、研究方法與限制、名詞界定、研究範圍與本文的章節安排。 　　第二章為相關文獻探討。首先說明政策制定之概念，本文基於研究需要，將政策制定過程視為一從政策問題形成經政策規劃以迄於政策合法化之過程；其次就公共利益團體對政策制定可運用之資源與接近決策之管道以及公共利益團體的策略行動做一檢視；最後經由上述文獻的探討建立本文之分析架構。 　　第三章為個案研究的背景。本章將說明有關我國「消費者保護法」制定之形成背景、制定經過以及主要爭議。 　　第四章為個案分析。本章將分析中華民國消費者文教基金會在「消費者保護法」之政策問題形成階段、政策規劃階段以及政策合法化階段，如何運用組織資源及接近決策管道進而採取行動策略。 　　第五章結論。就以上各章節之研究結果提出筆者之研究發現，並提出相關建議，以供相關機關、人員以為政策制定之參考，同時提出未來相關研究之建議，期冀未來之相關研究者能對我國公共利益團體參與政策制定活動做更進一步的研究。